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Textbook, 2013, 99 Pages
Chapter One: Rationale of the Study
1.1. Statement of the Problem
1.2. Research Objectives
1.3. Research Questions
1.4. Significance of the Study
1.5. Scope of the Study
1.6. Limitations of the study
1.7. Structure of the Study
1.8. Research Methodology
1.8.1. Study Area Description
1.8.3. Sampling Design
1.8.4. Data Collection
22.214.171.124. In-depth Interview
126.96.36.199. Key Informant Interview
188.8.131.52. Focus Group Discussion
184.108.40.206. Document Analysis
1.8.5. Ethical Considerations
1.8.6. Data Processing and Analysis
Chapter Two: Conceptual frameworks and the global, regional and national contexts of trafficking
Part One: Conceptual frameworks of trafficking in persons
2.1. Contested Definitions of Trafficking
2.1.1. Overview of the Concept of Trafficking in Persons
2.1.2. Irregular Migration vs. Trafficking in Persons
2.1.3. Human Smuggling vs. Trafficking in Persons
2.1.4. Trafficking in Women
2.2. Root Causes of Trafficking in Persons
2.2.1. Pushing (Supply Side) Factors
2.2.2. Pulling (Demand Side) Factors
2.2.3. Factors Create Impunity
Part Two: The global, regional and national realities on trafficking in women
2.3. The Global and Regional Trafficking Patterns
2.4. Human Trafficking Record of East African Countries
2.5. The National Context of Trafficking in Women
Part Three: International, regional and national instruments relevant for combating trafficking in women
2.6. International and Regional Instruments
2.7. National Instruments
Chapter Three: The situations of trafficking women from Ethiopia to Sudan through Metema Route
Part One: General information on the respondents
3.1. Background Information of Interviewees
3.1.1. Trafficking Women Respondents by Age
3.1.2. Trafficking Women Respondents by Marital Status
3.1.3. Trafficking Women Respondents by Residence
3.1.4. Background Information of FGD Participants
Part Two: Analysis of the experiences of the trafficking women victims
3.2. Expectations and Reasons for Leaving
3.3. The Recruitment Process and Negotiation with Brokers
3.4. Means of Transportation
3.4.1. Risks in the Passageway
3.5. The Traffickers Web: Sharing Benefits
3.6. The Condition Confronts Women at Arrival
3.7. The Work Environment
3.8. The Moments of Being Captured by the Police
3.9. Life in Prison
3.9.1. Responses from the Ethiopian Embassy in Sudan and Other Stakeholders to the Women in Prison
3.10. Means of Returning Home
3.11. Preventive (Counter Trafficking) Measures
Chapter Four: Conclusion and Recommendations
List of Cases
List of Interviewees
Appendix A: Interview Guide
Appendix B: FGD Guide
Appendix C: List of Figures
Appendix D: List of Tables
Appendix E: 2011 Trafficking in Persons Report Tier Placement of African Nations
Above all, I want to express my respect to all the women participated in this study for their sincere cooperation and willingness to answer the questions forwarded from the researcher patiently and with due respect. Some of the questions were related with personal matters and might be wounding even to reply on, but they did it. They speak the unspeakable truths face them and other many Ethiopian women each day, to save their young sisters and fellows from such abusive situations.
Additionally I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my dearest wife Zufan T/Haymanot and my entire friends; above all Yonas Bayru, Melaku Tilahun, Tesfanesh Tadesse, Mezgebu Mandefro, Anbesaw Zewdu and Getahun Kume, who assist and encourage me every time from the start to the end of the study.
Besides I want to present my admiration to the Metema woreda Police, Immigration and Court Officials support me by giving their useful intellectual views and further valuable materials to the study. In the same way to the Northern Gondar Justice and Court Bureaus members offered similar cooperation to me.
Lastly my gratitude goes to the almighty God.
Thank you all.
The study is primarily aimed at exploring the experiences of women who are victims of trafficking in women from Ethiopia to Sudan particularly through the Metema trafficking route. It demonstrates the way how the trafficking women victims were trapped by the web of the traffickers, means of transportations, and the manner of treatment throughout the trafficking process and the forms of exploitations faced by them at their arrival. Moreover, an endeavor is made to point out the human rights violations confronted by the trafficking women victims at each key stages of the trafficking process. The study is conducted in critical research approach and employed in-depth interviews, key informant interviews and focus group discussion vis-à-vis analysis of relevant literatures and secondary data sources as an instrument to solicit the necessary information for the research. The research found out that the women are pushed by poverty and allied factors and further hauled by the stories of attractive job opportunities and salary, pertaining to the false promises of the traffickers and individuals in the trafficking circle. Moreover, the findings signify that the women had experienced numerous human rights violations throughout the passage, in destination and prisons in Sudan. Thus, it is the belief of the researcher that the outcomes of the study will be helpful to all concerned stakeholders to take the necessary measures to see end the misery of many of Ethiopian women exposed and subjected to trafficking in women.
Keywords: Women, human trafficking, trafficking in persons, human smuggling, migration, irregular migration, trafficking in women, trafficking women victims, trafficking women returnees and Metema.
THIS STUDY IS DEDICATED TO ALL ETHIOPIAN TRAFFICKING WOMEN VICTIMS.
illustration not visible in this excerpt
‘Injera’ Injera (in Amharic: እንጀራ) is a white Ethiopian traditional flatbread dish, made of fermented ‘ teff’ flour.
‘Kebelle’ Kebelle (in Amharic: ቀበሌ ) are the fourth-level administrative divisions in the FDRE administration structure, placed under the Regional State Government.
‘Misir wot’ Misir wot ( in Amharic: ምስር ወጥ) is a traditional thick stew made up of split lentils stewed with onion, garlic and blend of mid Ethiopian herbs.
‘Shekaba’ Shekaba (in Amharic: ሸቃባ) is a person who gets a commission from the brokers for taking the trafficking women victims to the secrete rooms located in border towns like Metema.
‘Teff’ Teff (in Amharic: ጤፍ) is annual bunch grass or food grain native to Ethiopia and Northeastern Africa.
‘Woreda’ Woreda (in Amharic: ወረዳ) are the third-level administrative divisions in FDRE administration structure, placed under the Regional State Government.
This study is conducted on the situations of trafficking women from Ethiopia to Sudan through Metema route. It explores the experiences of trafficking women victims presently returned or deported from Sudan to Ethiopia through Metema. This chapter is an introductory section which presents the basic structure, composition and overall justification of the study. Thus, it includes the statement of the problem, research objectives, and research questions, significance of the study, scope and limitations of the study as well as the methodological approaches and procedures employed by the researcher in conducting this study.
Ethiopia is one of the countries of origin for internationally trafficking women subjected to conditions of forced labor and prostitution. Youthful women from all over the country are trafficked for domestic servitude to Gulf States as well as neighboring countries such as Djibouti, Kenya, Somaliland and Sudan to seek their dreams abroad.
Although all persons including men, women and children are inevitably victimized out of the trafficking patterns, the women are particularly vulnerable to the most biter physical and psychological inhuman experiences in magnitude and intense. This may possibly include (but not limited to) violent death, sexual exploitation and rape, robe, insult and intimidation, and beatings during the voyage. Besides, in destination, most trafficking women are exposed to many exploitation forms and sometimes coerced to work off the debt they have incurred for the services provided to them by the brokers. In the most extreme instances, the victims become slaves pure and simple, losing all control over their lives and becoming objects to be bought and sold on the prostitution market.
Pertaining to the trafficking routes, trafficking women are commonly using two ways to leave Ethiopia. They either buy an air ticket to take a flight from Bole International Airport to the destination country or cross the border to neighboring countries using the ‘desert routes’. The ‘desert route’ includes the passageway to South Africa through Moyale; to Saudi Arabia through Bossasso; to Saudi Arabia and United Arab emirates (UAE) through Afar, Djibouti and Yemen; to Sudan through Metema; to Djibouti through Dire Dawa; and to Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and UAE through Bole International Airport.
Hence, Metema is one of the distinguished human trafficking routes in Ethiopia, serve as a way out for a large number of peoples trafficked to Sudan. It also serves as a way back for returning survivals that either compellingly deported by the Sudan government or come escaping from the hands of the brokers and their employers each day. According to the data from the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopian (FDRE) Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), around 75,000 to 100,000 Ethiopians have used one-month tourist visa to cross the border by using bus through Metema per annum. This number does not include the people who travelled through the desert for days/weeks to cross the Ethio-Sudan border in foot. As above, though both ways are not risk-free, traveling in foot through the deserts is horrifically dangerous, where many people; particularly women, have perished in the desert due to thirst and hunger, and robed, raped and sexually abused by the brokers and rebels in Sudan. However, most of the women travelled with a one-month visa as well are tied to the traffickers’ network, in search for a job instantly after arriving in Sudan.
The Metema route is chiefly used by women from Ethiopia for the purpose of seeking domestic work in Sudan, but sometimes also used as a transit to Libya and then to Europe. Besides, there are also reports that some are trafficked for the purposes of commercial sex work and marriage to rich Sudanese nationals.
Therefore, the elevated seriousness and sensitiveness of the problem in relation to the pattern of trafficking in women in Metema area has initiated the researcher to conduct the study. Furthermore, the study was designed to make an endeavor to uncover the exact situation of the trafficking women in the area so as to indicate possible solutions to the problem.
The research has a general objective of exploring the situations of trafficking women from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route, viewing from the human rights perspective. Moreover, the specific objectives of the research aim:
- To examine the manner how trafficking women are treated during their journey from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route and in destination.
- To scrutinize circumstances that makes women vulnerable to potential human rights abuses in the trafficking process.
- To explore the accustomed techniques and trends applied by traffickers in their operations to move the women trafficking victims from one place to another.
- To assess the strengths and weaknesses in the current responses of stakeholders to suppress the pattern of trafficking in women in Metema area.
The main questions the researcher aims to address in the study are:
- How trafficking women are treated during their journey from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route and in destination?
- What circumstances make women particularly vulnerable to potential human rights abuses in the trafficking process?
- What techniques and trends do the traffickers use to travel the women trafficking victims from one place to another until they reach in destination?
- What are the strengths and weaknesses in the current responses to suppress the pattern of trafficking in women in Metema area?
Conducting this study is decisive, firstly because the study will provides resource concerning the trafficking in women pattern in Metema area for researchers interested in the future to make further studies in the area. Secondly, the study will grant access to up-to-date and reliable information for the whole community and concerned stakeholders regarding the actual existing situation of trafficking women from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route. At last, the research will offer realistic input for concerned government bodies and policy makers, so as to make them fully understand the actual image of the problem and take appropriate remedies to alleviate the problem.
In fact all women, men and children throughout the country are comparably vulnerable to trafficking crimes. Besides, all trafficking victims are faced with several human rights abuses in their endeavor to cross the borders of neighboring and other destination countries, regardless of the travel mechanisms they use. Nevertheless, so as to make the study manageable and comprehensively address the issues by the time, financial and material resources at hand, only those women who have trafficked from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route are included in the study. Hence, trafficking men and children, plus women trafficking through other human trafficking routes available in Ethiopia, as well as women trafficking to other neighboring (and beyond) countries than Sudan through any of these routes were not considered as part of the study.
In conducting this study, the researcher has faced with some limitations. The major limitations includes the silence trend of victims of trafficking or hesitation to share their stories with the researcher and lack of well organized and up-to-date data showing the full picture of the trafficking patters in the area. Besides, the researcher has also faced with other limitations include the difficulty to access to some top secret documents that are not simply disclosed to ordinary persons; particularly the documentaries and records of trafficking victims in the Metema woreda police office, financial and time limitations.
Nevertheless, these limitations did not have a significant adverse effect on the findings of the study. For the reason that the data gaps that have been difficult to get through one instrument (e.g. through interview with respondents) are filled by triangulating with either the information earned in focus group discussions or from secondary sources and vice-versa. In addition, the researcher has made an effort to establish a good interaction with the informants by approaching them through their friends and family members to make them more comfortable and confident to converse about their trafficking experiences all through the interviews. Thus, the researcher believes that, even though it was not straightforward, a complete picture of the problem has outlined by effectively utilizing the existing resources to the study.
Generally, the research is organized into four chapters. Chapter one is an introductory part that provides the underlying principles of the study; which specifically encompassed the statement of the problem, the objectives of the study, the research questions, the significance of the study, scope and limitations of the study, and the research methodology part which deals with the methods and instruments employed to select the samples, and to collect, process and analyze the necessary data to the study. In chapter two, the basic human trafficking conceptual frameworks vis-à-vis the global, regional and national contexts of trafficking in women, and at last the human rights instruments and legislative frameworks pertaining to trafficking in women are reviewed. Chapter three discussed the situations of trafficking women from Ethiopia to Sudan through the Metema route: the analysis of the background characteristics of the respondents and the entire empirical data collected from the primary and secondary sources through the selected instruments pertaining to the study problem. Finally, the fourth chapter presents the conclusion and recommendations.
The study has employed a qualitative research approach, which allows the researcher to investigate initial participant responses: by using open ended questions ask why or how with full freedom and flexibility. The reason why such method is used is to enable informants express their ideas in their own words and get the full picture of the situation.
Hence, the researcher has primarily used the statements of the trafficking women returnees to establish a pattern of the experiences, treatments and problems they face throughout their passage and in destination. Additionally, supplementary data are collected from other informants to fill the information gaps appeared in due course.
The research is conducted in Metema woreda area. Metema woreda is one of the districts in Ethiopia, Amhara Regional State. Amhara Regional State has totally 11 Administrative Zones and more than 100 districts. Hence Metema woreda is found in North Gondar Administrative Zone. It is one of the border towns between Ethiopia and Sudan and is located about 900 kilometers northwest of Addis Ababa and 180 kilometers west of Gondar town.
The researcher has used primary sources including women returnees and victims of trafficking, police officials and prosecutors, legal experts, and other concerned government authorities, to obtain original or firsthand information. Moreover, the researcher has used secondary sources to back the information gathered from the informants. For that reason, previously conducted research papers, police and court case records, state documents and records, official statistics, mass media outputs, and journal articles and conference papers were reviewed in triangulation with the first hand data acquired from respondents to reach to the full picture of the situation.
Snow ball non probability sampling method was employed by the researcher to select respondents from the whole study population. This is imperative to efficiently track the direct victims and actors of the situation. Therefore, snow ball method was used to drop a line with the trafficking women victims and concerned stakeholders. In doing so, the earliest or previously contacted informants were served as a spring board to find and introduce the researcher to the rest of participants found in similar categories.
Despite the fact that sample size is highly subjected to the time, manpower and financial resources available to the study, the researcher has used two principal criteria to select adequate number of participants from the target population. These are sufficiency and saturation principles. This means, firstly, enough numbers of participants enable the researcher to fully understand the situation and reflect the full picture of the entire trafficking process; starting from the origin areas here in Ethiopia to the destination places in Sudan, were selected. And secondly, the researcher has conducted interviews and listen to the statements of these targeted women returnees until the point of having the sense of listening similar information repetitively and has no longer expects to hear and find out something new.
The necessary data to the study were collected from the primary and secondary sources all the way through using a combination of multiple data gathering instruments including in-depth interview, key informant interview, focus group discussion, review of relevant literatures and document analysis. Furthermore, an effort has made by the researcher to get a complete picture of the problem of the study and block some of the inadequacies of the instruments by triangulating with the information gathered through the other data gathering instrument.
Even though there are various data collection techniques regularly used by researchers to gather information from primary sources, interview is mostly considered as the best instrument used in qualitative research. Moreover, it is a rich source of data useful to effectively explore people’s experiences. Thus, primary data were collected from trafficking women returnees using both unstructured and semi-structured interviews in combination. Hence, respondents were asked an amalgamation of both open-ended and closed-ended questions by the researcher. The close-ended questions have aimed on looking for very short and clear answers, and the open-ended questions were designed to allow the interviewees to converse and reply to the questions raised by the researcher freely on their own ways. Furthermore, all of the interviews and the focus group discussion were conducted in Amharic language and later translated into English language for analysis.
All through the interviews, previous to entering into conducting the interviews, the researcher has notified the respondents regarding the purpose of the study and the value of their participation in giving the interviews in brief manner. Additionally, Respondents were informed that their identities and the information they would be providing during the interviews will be kept confidential. Next to getting the affirmation of their consent to give the interviews, once again they were asked whether recording their voices is possible or not, and then with their full permission the interviews had been recorded on tape. For those who were unwilling or feeling discomfort to be recorded on tape, the researcher turns to the second option of taking brief notes of their words in textbook. Finally the recorded interviews were transcribed into written format to make them ready to analysis.
Key informant interview (KII) is valuable data collection instrument to quickly gain some insight on highly intricate and sensitive subject matters from particularly well-informed respondents in the area. Hence, semi-structured key informant interviews were conducted with selected government officials in order to supplement and triangulate the primary data gathered from the trafficking women respondents with expert analysis of these professionals. Accordingly, Metema woreda Police, Prosecution and Immigration Officials, and Court judges as well as Northern Gondar Higher Court Judges and Justice Bureau Officials were selectively interviewed to get their professional insights in the situations of trafficking women victims in the area.
Besides the interviews, one focus group discussion (FGD) has been arranged with a group of agents from each concerned institutions for further clarity particularly regarding the strengths and weaknesses of the preventive or counter trafficking measures taken to combat trafficking in women and to triangulate the data. The selection of the members was based on the position (in the sections/departments relevant to the problem studied) they have in the selected institutions, their work experience and knowledge they have in the area of trafficking in persons in general and trafficking in women in particular, as well as the availability and willingness of the individual to participate in the discussion.
Documents and literatures that have a direct relevance with the trafficking in persons and particularly trafficking in women were examined to back the information collected from the primary data sources through interviews and FGD. Accordingly, a number of literatures and legal documents are used in the study to demonstrate the conceptual discussions on trafficking in persons and women, the global, regional and national patterns of trafficking in women as well as the role of international, regional and national human rights law in combating and prosecuting trafficking in women offences.
The necessary ethical cares were circumspectly taken by the researcher throughout the interaction between the researcher and the people directly and indirectly participate/affected in/by the study. This is because the well-being of research participants is the researcher’s crown priority on top of the research questions. Thus, respondents were treated in full respect and the identity of the participants will kept confidential for the sake of their security and safety. Additionally, they have informed that an effort will be made by the researcher to avoid the potential risks may appear following their contact with the researcher and that they have a right to not give any information to the researcher and have the right to withdraw from the interview at any time they feel discomfort.
The qualitative data collected from primary and secondary sources were processed and analyzed by using recursive abstraction interpretative technique where data sets are summarized, and those summaries are then further and further summarized and at the end come to a compact summary and conclusion of the all gathered data. In favor of supplementing the expression, very simple and unsophisticated tabulations, graphic expressions and percentages were used. Besides, data are interpreted in the light of critical research approach with the purpose of exploring the experiences of the trafficking women victims or the things really happened to them. Hence, the research is not implicated in assessing the attitudes and perception of the victims and the way they give meanings to the situation they were dealing with.
In this chapter the available literatures and legislative frameworks relevant to trafficking in women are reviewed with the aim of providing the conceptual discourses, realities and legal grounds with reference to trafficking in women. For that reason the chapter is divided into three parts. Part one presents a conceptual discussion on trafficking in persons; including the contested definitions of trafficking, smuggling and irregular migration, in addition to the main components and root causes of trafficking. Part two provides the global, regional and national trafficking patterns. Finally, in the third part the relevant international, regional and national human rights instruments and legislative frameworks are provided.
Trafficking in persons or human trafficking is an imprecise and highly contested term. There are numerous, sometimes opposing, and shifting understandings of trafficking. Thus, defining trafficking in persons and things constitute trafficking is not an easy task, considering its uncertain scope and the overlap and similarity it has with related concepts like irregular migration and human smuggling. Hence it is a source of difficulty and controversy to have clear and universally agreeable definitions. Nonetheless, in order to avoid ambiguities and vagueness in reading the concepts incorporated in the research, comparatively acceptable definitions of some key terms used throughout the paper are provided here below:
A comprehensive definition of trafficking in persons is provided under the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (Palermo Protocol). The Palermo Protocol in its Article 3 defines trafficking in persons as follows:
(a) “trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other means of the abuse of power of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery, servitude or the removal of organs;
(b) The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended exploitation set forth in subparagraph (a) of this article shall be irrelevant where any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) have been used;
The Palermo Protocol definition focuses on clearly identifiable elements of the crime, in order to differentiate cases of trafficking from other acts, such as smuggling and irregular migration. The definition refers to three distinct elements. These are the act, means and purpose of trafficking in persons. According to the definition, trafficking in persons involve acts include recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring and receipting trafficking victims. In doing so, traffickers may use means of threat or use of force, coercion, abduction, deception, fraud, abuse of power or vulnerability and giving payments or benefits to win the consent of the potential trafficking victims. The core purpose of trafficking in persons is exploitation. Moreover, exploitation includes prostitution of others, sexual exploitation, forced labor, slavery or similar practices and removal of organs.
Therefore, the attendance of all of the three components is indispensable to constitute a given action or process trafficking in persons. The only exception is for child victims of trafficking for whom it is not required to show illegal means. Hence, trafficking in persons contains three central components namely recruitment, transportation and exploitation.
The potential trafficking victims are initially recruited by other people, in one way or another stay in the system, at the time they enter the course of trafficking. Recruiters (individuals involved in the conscription process) have commonly use different mechanisms to trick people and get their consent of joining the trafficking route; including readymade false promises of an opportunity, success stories of formerly trafficked people and misinformation or lies. The recruitment may be made by families, relatives, friends, neighbors, brokers, or recruitment agencies. However, people may also themselves initiate or pushed by their own personal reasons, survival needs or desperation.
Once the victims are recruited, the next step is transporting them from one town, area, or country to another until they reach to the intended destination places. The transportation process may engage individuals or group of individuals to provide the needed services to the trafficking victims. This includes starting from facilitating and arranging the movement to providing fake travel documents, food and shelter, needed in the way to enter and cross the border of the destination country. Occasionally, corrupted border guards, immigration or law enforcement personnel and officials may also be involved in the trafficking process work in partnership and sharing benefits with the traffickers or brokers.
In most trafficking cases exploitation is the end component and chief purpose of recruiting and transporting victims. This is the very reason why all people are recruited from all corners of the sourcing countries, and it is principally to exploit them in the all available mechanisms. Traffickers may make an immense amount of profits out of the trafficking victims through engaging them into prostitution, domestic servitude, forced labor, and in some instances selling for body organs removal.
After arrival, trafficking victims are treated just as a property. In relation with that, most employers feel they have possession over the trafficked workers in the grounds of paying for the recruitment and any other related fees, just like they own any other property they have paid for. This denies the intrinsic humanity value of the trafficking victims. They routinely are treated as a means to get some takings, not as an end by themselves as human creature. This reduces them to the status of being a slave, which absolutely is grave human right violation. Moreover, the lack of social and legal protection in the destination countries makes trafficking victims an easy target and gives traffickers and employers supremacy over the victims.
Therefore, it is excellent to carefully look in to these three inter-reliant components in order to entirely understand trafficking activities. These three components are representing the activity, means and purpose of trafficking events. Thus, the attendance of these three components in a cumulated and associated manner is a determinant indicator to decide whether a given action/process is trafficking or not.
To start with, the IOM defines migration as ‘ a process of moving, either across international border, or within a state. It is a population movement, encompassing any kind of movement of people, whatever its length, composition and causes; it includes migration of refugees, displaced persons, uprooted people and economic migrants’.
On the other hand, Irregular migration is ‘the movement of persons that takes place outside the regulatory norms of the sending, transit and receiving countries’. It is a movement of people from one country to the other without following or respecting the immigration laws and fulfilling the requirements of the transit and destination countries. Therefore, it is a crime committed by the migrant against the law of the transit and destination countries. At this point, the migrants themselves are lawbreakers, and apparently they are not treated as victims. On the other hand, trafficking in persons is an organized action of recruiting, harboring and transporting trafficking persons for exploitative purposes. Here there are persons or groups involved in organizing and facilitating the process; called as brokers or traffickers, that forced, abused or deceived the trafficking persons to join the process. Thus, the trafficking persons are not criminals, rather victims of the brokers’ tricks. Though they may cross the borders and enter to the destination country illegally, they were initially either influenced or forced by a third party: the brokers or recruiters. Hence, the trafficking victims have not possessed control over themselves, rather putted under the command of others. This is an action of selling human beings to conditions comparable to slavery, so it is the sellers not the persons putted on the market have to constitute as criminals.
Subsequently, irregular migration is always committed outside the regulatory norms of the source, transit and destination countries. On the contrary trafficking in persons may not necessary be obscured; it may pass through lawful processes and procedures exposed to misuse. For example persons may be trafficked on the name of traditional institutions and practices, tourism, trade, family visit, marriage and the like. However this is not to mean that traffickers are at all times use a legal shield to move persons from the origin to the destination countries. There are also trafficking victims cross the borders travelling illegally through deserts and oceans. Thus, while trafficking persons can use both legal and illegal ways, irregular migrants only use illegal ways to enter in to the destination country. In other words, ‘though all trafficking involves migration, but all migration is not trafficking’.
At first, trafficking in persons contains three main components; namely recruitment, transportation and exploitation. On the other hand, human smuggling contains only one of them: that is transportation. The UN Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants defines smuggling as:
the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly a financial or other material benefit, of the illegal entry of a person into a state party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident.
According to this definition, human smuggling is an act of transporting persons who have their own reasons and purposes to illegally cross the borders of transit and destination countries, and make benefits out of it. Subsequently, the recruitment and exploitation components are missing in human smuggling activities.
Secondly, trafficking in persons involves ‘means of the threat, use of force, and abuse of power of a position of vulnerability and giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent’ of the trafficking persons to join the trafficking process. Conversely human smuggling is ‘the transportation of persons, with their full consent, to another country all the way through illegal means’. Hence, in human trafficking persons are at some point forced, abused or deceived to be/stay in the system. Human smuggling is, however, an action solely depends on the consent of the smuggled person. Thus, while trafficking persons are regarded as commodities, individuals who are smuggled across borders are more like clients who pay for the service. However, the consent of the victim at conscription or at latter stages does not necessary avert the act from being trafficking as far as consent was obtained through fraud, coercion and deception.
Finally, human smuggling is a crime against the sourcing, transit and destination countries through illegal border crossing. Trafficking in persons is, however, a crime goes beyond breaking the law of the countries in the process, and primarily it is a crime committed against the trafficking persons through deception, coercion, repeated exploitation, restricted movement and other means.
Beyond these all differences, however, one thing make both trafficking and smuggling parallel is that both are money-spinning businesses involving human beings and organized criminal networks or groups that make profits out of the process. There are also situations in which all of the trafficking, smuggling and irregular migration issues happen concurrently in a single process. For instance, trafficking often involves smuggling of deceived women and children across international borders. Besides traffickers are usually resort to illegal entry into a transit or destination country to cut-off and reserve their victims from their socio-cultural circumstances, to easily exploit, abuse and control them.
Trafficking in women is a gender specific concept of looking trafficking in persons from the women’s side. It shares all characteristics and features of trafficking in persons, but it focuses on the women in view of their particular vulnerability to trafficking crimes. Therefore trafficking in women can be defined as:
All acts involved in the recruitment and/or transportation of a woman within and across national borders for work or services by means of violence, or threat of violence, abuse of authority or dominate position, debt bondage, deception, or other forms of coercion.
It covers women who have suffered intimidation and/or violence through the trafficking and that initial consent may not be relevant, as some enter the trafficking chain knowing they will work as prostitutes, but who are then deprived of their basic human rights, in conditions which are akin to slavery.
Thus, while trafficking in persons is a crime targeted on all human beings including men, women and children in general, trafficking in women is a criminal act directly beleaguered on the women or girls. However, other parts of the community can be also circuitously affected by trafficking in women crimes. Thus, sometimes it may turn out to be a crime against children and the whole community. Besides, the major elements (the act, means and purpose) of both crimes as well as the duty bearers are almost the same. Nevertheless, the right holders may become dissimilar.
Poverty is the leading driving factor for many women joins the trafficking process. Additionally, other related factors including lack of employment opportunities, corruption, gender inequality and illiteracy can also mentioned as major reasons compelling many persons to search their dreams overseas. Besides, strict immigration procedures may frustrate the potential trafficking persons to choose illegal means of leaving the country. Generally, recession and failing economies in the developing nations are compelling unfortunate people to bond themselves to the trafficking routes, in seeking their missing needs somewhere else outside the country. Moreover, globalization and the sophisticated conditions it creates are facilitating more the fleeing process.
From the demand factors part, shortage of and thus demand for cheap and low-skilled labor in some sectors is invite many persons in the developing countries. Trafficked persons are used to fill the labour gap in agriculture, construction, manufacturing, domestic work, and sex work areas. These opportunities have caught the mind of many underprivileged people who are in deadly needing and searching of any opportunities for survival. As evidence, researches indicated that various countries are dependent on trafficked workers to fill labor shortages in sectors. These sectors are low paying, dangerous, and poorly-regulated. These kinds of jobs are sometimes called as ‘3D’ jobs: it is to mean dirty, degrading, and dangerous jobs. Thus, trafficking is an effort made to connect the needy people with these dirty jobs illegally, and make profits out of it.
Correspondingly the trend of impunity resulted from insufficient or inadequate laws, poor law enforcement, ineffective penalties, corruption, complacency and invisibility of issue is contributing more to the spread of trafficking in women patterns. The sum of these gaps gives trafficking criminals ample chance to not hold accountable and get appropriate punishments for their offences.
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Figure 1, the Trafficking Triangle
Therefore, the supply, demand and impunity factors in concert creates a condition in which trafficking in women can prosper. Consequently, the resulting situation allows high profits at low risk for the traffickers, but with grave human rights violations for the trafficking victims.
Human trafficking is a pattern, violent in its kind; it sometimes coined as a modern form of slavery, committed against the fundamental human rights of the trafficking women and the law of sourcing, transit as well as destination countries. It is usually articulated by severe forms of labor and sexual exploitation where women are recruited or obtained and then forced to labor against their will through force, fraud or coercion. Besides, women are particularly vulnerable to trafficking and its consequences, considering the inequalities they face in status and opportunity throughout the globe.
In times gone by, trafficking in women (as a part of human trafficking) is not something new to the history of human race. But from time to time it is escalating in magnitude, sophistication, complexity and consolidation of trafficking networks. And now it becomes a global dealing that threats almost all countries and generates gargantuan earnings for those who involve in doing so.
Trafficking in women is recognized criminal conduct across the world and as a result series of treaties have been adopted in order to stifle it and bring the perpetrators to justice. However in the side of governments there is a gap of looking trafficking just simply as ‘a crime of illegal migration in which trafficking women are often treated as the criminals’. In this context, trafficking becomes just a crime against the state, and victims become the perpetrators of the crime of trafficking. Viewed from a human rights perspective, however, trafficking is a crime against the trafficking women victims in which women’s desire to migrate is preyed upon. Within the context of migration, trafficking is exploited migration . Even legal migrants can be trafficked. Hence, for these reasons, human trafficking needs to be viewed as a problem of exploitation.
Though there is no exactness in the number of women trafficking worldwide, the numbers released in different reports are good indicators for how much the problem is intimidating women’s life. Accordingly, figures released by the IOM in 2001 point toward that an estimated 700,000 to 2 million women and children are trafficked globally each year. In the U.S. reports, the numbers regarding the persons trafficked worldwide are vary from year to year from 700,000 to 4 million in 2002, toward 800,000 to 900,000 in 2003, and toward 600,000 to 800,000 in 2004 and 2005, along with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) estimates of the number of persons trafficked worldwide in 2012 range from 12 to 27 million. Additionally, as to the estimates of the ILO, in the year 2005, at least 2.5 million persons worldwide find themselves in forced labor as a result of trafficking at any given time, in which 70 to 80 percent of them are women.
As evident from the chart below (figure 2), most of the women trafficked worldwide are mainly sourced from less developed and less stable countries to the countries have better economic development and job opportunities. In point of fact, Ethiopia is the only African country ranked within the top ten origin countries for trafficking persons worldwide. Most of the top sourcing countries are from developing countries in Asia and Eastern Europe. The following chart shows the top ten origin countries for trafficking victims worldwide in the year 2011.
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Source: IOM Trafficking Case Data
Figure 2 , Top Countries of Origin for Victims of Trafficking in 2011
According to the ILO study, Asia and the Pacific take the first rank for being the leading destination regions for trafficking victims come from different corners of the globe, with an estimated 1.36 million (56%) persons trafficked for forced labor. Besides, about 270,000 (10.8%) victims are trafficked to industrialized countries, 250,000 (10%) to Latin America and the Caribbean, and around 230,000 (9.2%) persons to forced labor in the Middle East and North Africa. In being a destination, the lower estimates are given for Sub-Saharan African Countries 130,000 (5.2%) and for transition economies 200,000 (8%) by reference to the fact that many trafficking victims from these regions are trafficked towards other regions, including industrialized countries.
Many women who are trafficked for domestic labor purposes may later on end up being sexually exploited as well. This is unfortunate chiefly for those who live in the ‘third world’ countries; though trafficking is not always an economic query. As an illustration, an estimated number of (at least) 8,000 Nigerian women have been trafficked into street prostitution in Italy. Another 5,000 Albanian, Moldavian and Ukrainian women have also been trafficked into Italy where they are made to prostitute out of rooms, apartments, small hotels, massage parlors and even exclusive clubs. The following bar graph shows the major destination regions for trafficking women victims worldwide.
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Source: the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP)
Figure 3, Major Destinations for Trafficking Women Victims in Region
In country level the IOM identifies another ten top destination countries for trafficking victims sourced from various parts of the world. The following bar graph presents the world’s top ten destination countries for trafficking victims in the year 2011.
illustration not visible in this excerpt
Source: IOM trafficking Case Data
Figure 4, Top 10 Countries of Destination for Victims of trafficking Worldwide in 2011
Beyond the numbers, for victims of trafficking, the death-defying conditions of the journey may produce illness and injury. Many trafficking women face the threat of injury and death, even in the migrating process. The lack of social and legal protection in the destination countries gives traffickers and employers power over trafficking victims. This power may be exercised through physical, emotional and sexual abuse and threat. Furthermore, trafficking women are particularly vulnerable to violence and sexual exploitation by the traffickers and officials such as police, immigration authorities, and border guards. Because they are undocumented, have little knowledge of the language of the country to which they are trafficked, and no legal knowledge of their rights, many are raped and sexually exploited.
Generally speaking, the chief purpose of the trafficking movements is to exploit the victims in all available means. Hence trafficking women are finally exposed to many forms of exploitation. As an illustration, world widely around 43% of them are trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation. Additionally, around 32 % for economic exploitation and the remaining 25% are trafficked for other types of exploitations include (but not limited to) forced marriage, forced labor and body organ removal.
illustration not visible in this excerpt
Source: International Labour Organization
Figure 5, Forms of Exploitation faced by Trafficking Women at Destination in the year 2007
Therefore in destination, trafficking victims are exposed to different forms of exploitation and abuses. This may include forced to work in the sex trade, to perform other types of labor; such as domestic servitude, factory work or agricultural work. As a result, trafficking victims are commonly experience physical and psychological abuse; including beatings, sexual abuse, and food and sleep deprivation, threats to themselves and their family members, and isolation from the outside world.
Trafficking occurs when persons are transported, in a context of exploitation, from a place of origin to a final point or destination. In some cases the destination may be far from the place of origin and trafficking persons may pass through many transit points. The figure below shows the relationship between origin, transit and destination countries in east Africa.
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Figure 6, the Relationship between Origin, Transit & Destination Countries in East Africa
There is an immense diversity of people being trafficked from, to and through Africa. Most often they are women, but children; both girls and boys, and men are also targeted for trafficking. All countries in East Africa have been identified as origin, transit or destination points for trafficking women victims.
Trafficking flows in the East African region covers an intra-regional and inter-regional routes. It sometimes ends within the countries in the region, but also may extend to Europe and increasingly the Gulf States. For instance, Ethiopian women are mostly trafficked through Kenya and Tanzania and are then abused as domestic workers in Lebanon. Additionally, girls from India and South Asia have reportedly been trafficked to Kenya.
Table 1, Human Trafficking Record of East African Countries
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Source: International Organization for Migration
Looking it from national perspective, Ethiopia is a source country for young women who are subjected to forced labor and sexual exploitation in various destination countries around the globe. As a matter of fact, thousands of Ethiopian women are trafficked each year through the sky, desert and ocean slayer routs, largely for domestic servitude to the Middle East and the Gulf States as well as to neighboring countries including Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan and Tanzania. The trafficking purposes are different, while majority of the women are trafficked for domestic labor, a small percentage of these women seem to end up in the sex trade after arriving in the countries of destination.
There are reports indicating that up to 1,000 women leave the country every month to find jobs as domestic workers abroad. In other words, around 12,000 Ethiopian women are annually trafficked in searching their dreams abroad. With this numbers Ethiopia is currently ranked 10th among the world’s top ten source countries for trafficking victims, with 122 assisted trafficking cases by the IOM in the year 2011.
Besides, numerous Ethiopian women engaged in domestic servitude in the Middle East and other destination countries are faced with sever human rights violations, including physical and sexual assault, denial of salary, sleep deprivation, withholding of passports, confinement, and murder. Many are also driven to despair and experience psychological problems, with some committing suicide.
There are two possible ways trafficking women may use to leave Ethiopia: one is through using air transport to the destination country passing through the visa process, and second crossing the border to neighboring countries through the ‘desert routes’ in foot and car transport (sometimes packed in containers). Hence there are well recognized trafficking routes include the passageways to South Africa through Moyale; to Saudi Arabia through Bossasso; to Saudi Arabia and UAE through Afar, Djibouti and Yemen; to Sudan through Metema; to Djibouti through Dire Dawa; and to Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and UAE through Bole International Airport.
 U.S. (2012). Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. Washington DC, USA: United States Department of State. Retrieved September 22, 2012, from http://www.unhcr.org/ refworld/docid/ 4e12ee7e37.html
 IOM. (2012). International Organization for Migration. Retrieved August 12, 2012, from Activities: Africa and the Middle East: East Africa: Ethiopia. Retrieved August 12, 2012, from http://www.iom.int/jahia/ Jahia/ethiopia
 Galiana, C. (2000). Trafficking in Women: European parliament Working Paper. Civil Liberities Series, 3.
 Anteneh, A. (2011). Trafficking in Persons Overseas for Labour Purposes: The Case of Ethiopian domestic Workers. Country Office Addis Ababa: Internatinal Labour Office (ILO), p. ix. Retrieved September 20, 2012, from http://firstname.lastname@example.org
 MoFA. (2010). The Situation, Causes of and Recommendations to Eliminate Human trafficking and Smuggling in Ethiopia. In Anteneh, A… supra, footnote 4, p. 48.
 Anteneh, A … supra, footnote 4, p. 48 ; cf. also footnote 5.
 Ibidem, p. 49.
 For case in point, after the conclusion of the earliest interview with Case 1, the researcher would ask the informant if she knows another women victim who has pass through the same problem and share similar experiences. If the informant’s response is affirmative, then she would be asked to direct to another informants.
 Greeff, M. (2005). Information Collection. In A. S. Vos, H. Strydom, C. B. Fouche, & C. S. Delport, Research at grass Root Level: For the Social Sciences and Human Service Profession (pp. 286-313). Pretoria, South Africa: Van Schaik, pp. 286-313.
 Fouche, B., & Delport, L. (2011). Introduction to the Research Process. In A. D. Vos, Research at Grass Root Level: For the Social Science and Human Service Profession (pp. 61-78). Pritoria, South Africa: Van Schaik.
 Salafsky, N., Richard, A., & Margoluis. (1998). Measures of Success: Designing, Managing, and Monitoring Conservation and Development Projects. Washington DC, USA: Island Press, pp. 134-135.
 Table 5 provides detail information regarding the background characteristics of the FGD participants of the study.
 Salt, J., & Hogarth, J. (2000). Migrant Trafficking and Human Smuggling in Europe: A review of the evidence. In F. Laczko, & D. T. (Eds.), Migrant Trafficking and Human Smuggling in Europe: A Review of the Evidence With Case Studies from Hungary, Poland and Ukraine. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM). As an illustration, they have identified over 20 definitions of the concept of trafficking in their review of the literature.
 Lee, M. (2007). Human Trafficking. Cullompton, UK: Willan Publications, p. 16.
 The Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, made the following statements in regard to the definition of trafficking in her Report to the 56th Session of the Commission on Human Rights: “At present there is no internationally agreed definition of trafficking. The term "trafficking" is used by different actors to describe activities that range from voluntary, facilitated migration, to the exploitation of prostitution, to the movement of persons through the threat or use of force, coercion, violence, etc. for certain exploitative purposes. Increasingly, it has been recognized that historical characterizations of trafficking are outdated, ill-defined and non-responsive to the current realities of the movement of and trade in people and to the nature and extent of the abuses inherent in and incidental to trafficking. Rather than clinging to outdated notions of the constituent elements of trafficking, which date back to the early nineteenth century, new understandings of trafficking derive from an assessment of the current needs of trafficked persons in general, and trafficked women in particular. New definitions also must be specifically tailored to protect and promote the rights of trafficked persons, with specific emphasis on gender-specific violations and protections.” Economic and Social Council, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective: Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, on trafficking in women, women's migration and violence against women, submitted in accordance with Commission on Human Rights Resolution 1997/44, 29 February, (2000), E/CN.4/2000/68 (1997), paragraph 51. Retrieved September 11, 2012, from http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/TestFrame/ e29d45a105cd8143802568be 0051fcfb?Opendocument
 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, General Assembly Resolution 55/25, of 15 November, (2000), Article 3. Retrieved September 12, 2012, from http://www.uncjin.org/Documents/Conventions/ dcatoc/final_docum/htm
 Anteneh, A … supra, footnote 4, p. 10; cf. also footnote 5, 6, 7 and 8.
 Ibidem, p. 11.
 Ibidem, p. 10.
 Messele, R. (2006). Counter-trafficking Training Modules. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM), p. 8.
 IOM. (2004). International Migration Law, Glossary on Migration. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM).
 Horwood, C. (2009). In Pursuit of the Southern dream: Victims of Necessity Assessment of the Irregular Movement of Men from east africa and the Horn to south africa. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM).
 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, Article 3… supra, footnote 17; cf. also footnote 18.
 Asefach, R. H. (2012). An Investigation into the Experiences of Female Victims of Trafficking in Ethiopia. Pretoria: University of South Africa, Psychology Department, p. 14.
 Agrinet. (2004). Assessment of the magnitude of Women and Children Trafficked With and Outside of Ethiopia. Country Office Addis Ababa: International organization for Migration (IOM), p. 1.
 Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, Supplementing the UN Convention against Transitional Crime, General Assembly Resolution 55/25, of 15 November, (2000), Article 3 (a). Retrieved September 7, 2012, from http://www.uncjin.org/Documents/ convention/dcatoc/final_documents_2/convention _smug_ eng.pdf
 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, Article 3… supra, footnote 17; cf. also in footnote 18 and 27.
 Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, Supplementing the UN Convention against Transitional Crime, Article 3… supra, footnote 30, provides that: (a) “Smuggling of migrants’ shall mean the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit, of then illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident;” (b) “Illegal entry shall mean crossing borders without complying with the necessary requirements for legal entry into the receiving State.”
 AIC. (2008). People Smuggling Versus Trafficking in Persons: What is the Difference? Canberra, Australia: Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC), pp. 1-2. Retrieved December 7, 2012, from http//:www.aic.gov.au
 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children… supra, footnote 13, Article 3; cf. also in footnote 14, 17 and 21.
 Asefach, R. H … supra, footnote 28.
 Martens, J., Pieczkowski, M., & Vuuren-Smyth, B. V. (2003). Seduction, Sale and Slavery: Trafficking in Women and Children for Sexual Exploitation in Southern Africa. Pretoria, South Africa: International Organization for Migration (IOM), pp.1-15.
 GAATW. (2012, September 9). Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women. Retrieved September 9, 2012, from http://www.gaatw.org
 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on a Community immegration Policy, COM (2000) 757 (European Commission 2000); and European commision communication on trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation, COM (96) 0567 (Eropean Union 1996). Retrived October 15, 2012, from http://www.europa.eu.int/eurlex/en/com/cnc/2000/com2000 0757 en01.pdf
 In the international human rights regime the state is a primary duty bearer for every human right violation committed within its jurisdiction, regardless who commits these violations. Even though individuals or groups have to take a responsibility for their actions, the state have also the duty to ensure that and provide justice mechanisms that makes every person accountable. Thus, even for the offences of individuals the state is responsible for not taking appropriate protective measures to the victims.
 The right holders in the human trafficking case are every human beings, whereas the right holders in the trafficking in women case are the women.
 Anteneh, A … supra, footnote 4, p. 11; cf. also footnote 6, 7, 8, 19, 20, 21, 22 and 23.
 Ibidem, p. 12.
 HRW. (2010). Rights on the line-- Human Rights Watch work on Abuses against Migrants in 2010. New York, USA: Human Rights Watch (HRW), p. 7.
 Taran, A., & Chammartin, G. (2002). Getting at the Roots: Stopping Exploitation of Migrant Workers by Organized Crime. Geneva: International Organization for Migration (IOM), p. 4; and UNDP. (2009). Human Development Report 2009, Overcoming Barriars: Human Mobility and Development. New York, USA: United Nations Development Program (UNDP) p.161. Retrieved September 9, 2012, from http://hdr.undp.org/en/ statistics/data/ mobility/people
 Phinney, A. (2001). Trafficking of Women and Children for Sexual Exploitation in the Americas. Pan American Health Organization: Women, Health and Development Program, p. 2.
 ACLU. (2007). Human Trafficking: Modern Enslavement of Immigrant Women in the United States. New York: American Civil Liberities Union Women's Rights Project, p. 1. Retrieved September 12, 2012, from http://www.aclu.org/ womensrights
 Ibidem, p.2.
 Raymond, G. J., D’Cunha, J., Dzuhayatin, S. R., Hynes, H. P., Rodriguez, Z. R., & Santos, A. (2002). A Comparative Study of women trafficked in the Migration Process: Patterns, Profiles and health Consequences of sexual Exploitation in five Countries (Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Venezuela and the United States). Bangkok, Thailand: United Nations Developments Fund for Women (UNIFEM), p. 1.
 Eweh, V. J. (2006). Human Trafficking and Child Labour in Africa: Man's Inhumanity to Man. Standtschlaining,Austria: European University Center for Peace, p. 7.
 Raymond, G. J., D’Cunha, J., Dzuhayatin, S. R., Hynes, H. P., Rodriguez, Z. R., & Santos, A… supra, footnote 49, p.8; cf. also footnote 50.
 IOM. (2001). 2001 Trafficking in Migrants. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organizationfor Migration (IOM).
 Kelly, L. (2005). 'You Can Find Anything you Want': A Critical Reflection on Research on Trafficking in Persons within and into Europe. In IOM, Data and Research on Human Trafficking (pp. 237-238). Vienna, Austria: International Organization for Migration (IOM); US Department of State. (2005). Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. Washington DC, USA: United States Department of State; and USAID. (2013, February 13). United States Aid for International Development. Retrieved March 9, 2013, from http://www.usaid.gov/trafficking
 Belser, P., & Cock, M. D. (2005). ILO Minimum Estimate of Forced Labour in the World. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Office (ILO), pp. 4–5. Retrieved September 11, 2012, from http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/ groups/public/ed_norm/declaration/documents/ publication/wcms_081913.pdf; and US Department of State. (2005). Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. Washington DC, USA: United States Department of State.
 Serojitdinov, A. (2012). IOM 2011 Case Data on Human trafficking: Global Figures and Trends. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM), p. 29.
 Raymond, G. J., D’Cunha, J., Dzuhayatin, S. R., Hynes, H. P., Rodriguez, Z. R., & Santos, A… supra, footnote 49; cf. also in footnote 50, 52 and 53.
 Gualtiero, V. (2000). The New Slaves: Prostitutes and Prisoners. Raymond, G. J., D’Cunha, J., Dzuhayatin, S. R., Hynes, H. P., Rodriguez, Z. R., & Santos, A… supra, footnote 49; cf. also in footnote 50, 52, 53 and 59.
 Susanne, M. (2011). Global Phenomenon, Invisible Cases: Human Trafficking in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Carbbean and the Pacific. Brussels, Belgium: The African Carribean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Observatory on Migration.
 Serojitdinov, A … supra, footnote 57; cf also footnote 58.
 Anteneh, A … supra, footnote 4; cf. also footnote 5, 6, 7, 8, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 41 and 42.
 ILO. (2007). Forced Labour Statistics Factsheet. In Friesendorf, C. Strategies against Human Trafficking: The Role of the security. Geneva, Austria: National Defence Academy and Austrian Ministry of Defense and Sports, p. 39.
 ILO. (2007). Forced Labour Statistics Factsheet. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Office (ILO).
 ACLU… supra, footnote 47; cf. also footnote 48.
 UNICEF. (2003). Trafficking in Human Beings, Especially Women and Children, in Africa. Florence, Italy: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) Innocenti Research Centre, p. 10.
 UN. (2006). Trafficking in Human Beings: Global Patterns. Vienna, Austria: United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Retrieved October 21, 2012, from http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/trafficking_human_ beings.html
 Barwise, K. (2006). Breaking the Cycle of Vulnerability: Responding to the Health Needs of Trafficked Women in East and Southern Africa. Pretoria, South Africa: International Organization for Migration (IOM) Regional Office, p. 21.
 Aderanti, A. (2005). Review of Research and Data on Human Trafficking in Sub Saharan Africa. International Migration, 43, 1-2., pp.1-2.
 Susanne, M… supra, footnote 61, p. 2.
 IOM … supra, footnote 25.
 U.S … supra, footnote 1.
 ICMPD. (2008). East Africa Migration Route Initiative Gaps and Needs Analysis Project Country Reports: Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya. Veinna, Austria: International Centre for Migration Policy (ICMPD), p. 35. Retrieved September 5, 2012, from http://www.icmpd.org
 U.S. (2007). Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report. Washington DC, USA: United States Department of State. Retrieved September 7, 2012, from http://www.gvnet.com/humantrafficking/ Ethiopia-2.htm
 ICMPD… supra, footnote 75.
 U.S… supra, footnote 1; cf. also footnote 74.
 Anteneh, A … supra, footnote 4; cf. also footnote 5, 6, 7, 8, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 41, 42, 63 and 64.
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