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Dedicated to the memory of the journalist Andreas Christodoulides and to
all those who fight cancer.
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Table of Contents
Abstract ... 16
Acknowledgements ... 17
Table of Contents ... 19
List of tables... 21
List of Graphs, Charts, Diagrams and Figures ... 23
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ... 26
1.1. The television content in question ... 26
1.2.
Quality in television and the link with diversity ... 28
1.3. Pluralism and diversity in the media: Two parallel concepts ... 30
1.3.1.
The concept of pluralism in contrast to diversity... 31
1.3.2.
The concept of diversity: Why is it important to study it? ... 37
1.4.
Public and private television content in Greece ... 44
CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL DISCUSSION ... 49
2.1.
Institutional diversity and conceptual delimitation ... 49
2.2. Organizing television programming in line with business strategies ... 52
2.3. Content as a policy objective: Qualities promoting public good ... 57
2.4. The issue of genre in the context of studying diversity ... 59
2.5. The concept of viewpoint diversity... 62
2.5.1. People diversity ... 64
2.6. The significance of the study of source diversity within the general context of studying
diversity... 65
CHAPTER THREE: DISCUSSION OF APPROACHES TO THE DIVERSITY OF
CONTENT ... 75
3.1.
Policy and non-policy approaches ... 75
3.2. Policy-oriented approaches ... 78
3.2.1. Napoli's approach ... 78
3.2.1.1. Source diversity ... 79
3.2.1.2. Content diversity ... 81
3.2.1.3. Exposure diversity ... 82
3.2.2. Van Cuilenburg's approach to content "reflection" and "openness"... 82
3.2.2.1. Reflection ... 83
3.2.2.2. Openness ... 84
3.2.3. Approaching diversity in "local television news" An FCC study ... 84
3.2.4. Stirling's approach ... 86
3.2.4.2. Balance ... 87
3.2.4.3. The disparity or heterogeneity of programmes ... 88
3.3. Other approaches with a different orientation and category of study ... 91
3.3.1. Content differentiation in television newscasts: An alternative approach ... 93
3.3.2. The factor of time in scheduling ... 95
CHAPTER FOUR: THE METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH... 97
4.1. About the methodology... 97
4.2. Genre analysis of television content ... 97
4.3. Empirical analysis of viewpoint diversity in main news bulletins ... 104
4.4. Analysis of the production market (source diversity) ... 108
4.5. Description of the study ... 109
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4.5.1. Data collection ... 109
4.5.2. Classification and typology issues ... 112
4.6. The context of the interviews ... 113
4.7. Further methodological considerations ... 115
CHAPTER FIVE: TRENDS IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF GENRES IN GREEK
TELEVISION ... 117
5.1 Empirical analysis of genre distribution ... 117
5.2 Analysis of research data. ... 119
CHAPTER SIX: AN EMPIRICAL APPROACH TO GREEK VIEWPOINT
DIVERSITY ... 140
6.1. The significance of news bulletins ... 140
6.2. The empirical analysis of viewpoint diversity ... 143
6.2.1. Diversity in the range of topics ... 143
6.2.2. People diversity in newscasts... 146
6.2.3. The factor of time in newscasts (time diversity) ... 155
6.3. Issues of the application of viewpoint diversity ... 157
CHAPTER SEVEN: EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF SOURCE DIVERSITY IN GREEK
TELEVISION ... 160
CHAPTER EIGHT: TODAY'S CONTENT DEVELOPMENT ... 174
8.1. Analysis of the follow-up study's findings ... 174
8.2. Findings of the comparative analysis ... 184
CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSION... 188
9.1. The process of assessing content diversity ... 188
9.2. Comments regarding future research into television ... 192
Bibliography ... 197
Interviews and Personal Correspondences ... 209
20
List of tables
Table 2. 1: The time zones of programming scheduling (sections of the day), as divided by
AGB. The selection of the time, at which the programme zones are placed, is directly
associated with and depends on the viewers' everyday habits, channels' requests and viewer
ratings. ... 62
Table 3. 1: Elements that constitute Napoli's approach (1999). The three main variables are
source diversity, content diversity and exposure diversity. ... 79
Table 3. 2: Variables and their classification, used by George and Oberholzer-Gee (2011) in
their approach to viewpoint diversity. ... 84
Table 3. 3.: In this table a brief comparative presentation of diversity approaches is set out
and the components that constitute these approaches are presented... 91
Table 4. 1: This table illustrates the programming genres which are employed in the
classification used by this research. This typology originated from the typology employed by
AGB Hellas for Greek television and from records of television magazines. Essentially, a
combined categorization was attempted, which would be practical and easy to use, and at the
same time indicative of Greek television's programming. ... 100
Table 4. 2: This table illustrates the programming categories when the genres of the previous
tables are included. The above table is a sub-classification of that table. ... 101
Table 4. 3: In this table, the categorizations used for the study of viewpoint diversity are
illustrated. These categorizations refer specifically to the genres of journalistic coverage
(source: University Research Institute of Applied Communication, 2012). ... 107
Table 5. 1: This table presents the data provided by Koukoutsaki regarding the production
costs of television series (general drama, soap opera, comedy, adventure & crime drama)
during the periods 1991-2, 1992-3 and 1996-7. The comparison to these periods is not of
particular importance. Nonetheless, these data are presented here to illustrate the
methodology adopted by Koukoutsaki's research (2003) and the conclusions that she draws.
... 119
Table 5. 2: This table shows the figures for programming categories in private and public
television, respectively. ... 120
Table 5. 3: Total and gross figures for programming types for 2004, 2005 and 2006. The
classification of the programme was based on AGB Hellas' classification. In this case the
audiovisual laboratory of Athens' classification was also used. ... 122
Table 5. 4: This table shows the broadcasting times of each programming category per season
and channel. The analysis of broadcasting time was based on the material gathered from the
University Research Institute of Applied Communication (University of Athens). ... 124
Table 5. 5: This table shows average television viewing figures. The typology in this table is
a combination of AGB Hellas' typology and classifications used by the television content
magazines, which are mentioned extensively in the methodological chapter. ... 126
Table 5. 6: This table shows the programming types that were broadcast by public television
in 1984, 1985 and 1986. ... 130
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Table 5. 7: This table illustrates the programming of Greek television as regards
programming types and the form of these programming types after the advent of private
television. ... 136
Table 6. 1: In this table, the time each channel dedicates to politics and non-politics news is
recorded, for the whole period that viewpoint diversity is examined. ... 156
Table 6. 2: In this table, the total time dedicated to politics and non-politics news is recorded
for the two time periods under examination. ... 156
Table 6. 3: Here, the time dedicated to politics and non-politics news is recorded, both per
channel and time period. ... 157
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List of Graphs, Charts, Diagrams and Figures
Graph 5. 1: this figure illustrates the number of domestic productions compared to foreign
shows in private television, during 2004-2006. ... 127
Graph 5. 2: This graphic illustrates the number of domestic productions compared to foreign
shows in public television, during 2004-2006. ... 127
Graph 5. 3: Frequency of programming airing as regards programmes premiering on
television and reruns (total). ... 128
Graph 5. 4: Frequency of programming airing as regards programmes premiering on
television and reruns (private television). ... 128
Graph 5. 5: Frequency of programming airing as regards the programmes premiering on
television and reruns (public television). ... 129
Graph 5. 6: Total recording of figures for domestic and foreign productions in 1984, 1985
and 1986. ... 131
Graph 5. 7: Total comparative recording of figures for domestic and of foreign productions in
1984, 1985, 1986 and in 2004-2006, respectively. ... 132
Graph 5. 8: Total comparative recording of figures for domestic and foreign productions in
1984, 1985, 1986 and in 2004-2006, respectively, for public television. ... 132
Graph 5. 9: Total comparative recording of the figures for domestic and foreign productions
in 1984, 1985, 1986 and in 2004-2006, respectively, for private television. ... 133
Graph 5. 10: This graph shows the frequency of the reruns compared with the frequency of
programmes premiering on television for the period from 1984 to 1986. ... 133
Graph 5. 11: This graph shows the frequency of the reruns compared with the frequency of
programmes premiering on television for the period from 1984 to 1986 and from 2004 to
2006, comparatively. ... 134
Graph 5. 12: This graph shows the frequency of the reruns compared with the frequency of
programmes premiering on television for the period from 2004 to 2006. This comparative
presentation refers to two public television channels and three private ones. ... 134
Graph 6. 1: This graph presents the total number of broadcastings in the channels under
examination, according to duration. Politics is the category that constitutes the main
journalistic genre in newscasts. The vertical column shows the number of news broadcast
classifications in total for all the channels for the period under study. For the extraction of
data the Audiovisual Laboratory of Athens University was used. The categorization of news
is also based on the formula developed by the Audiovisual Laboratory of Athens University.
... 144
Graph 6. 2: In this graph the category of financial matters is isolated and divided into three
subgenres, namely consumption, fiscal policy and unemployment, which are comparatively
presented, according to the time periods under examination. ... 145
Graph 6. 3: Here, the news genres are presented, according to each channel's broadcasting
percentage. ... 146
Graph 6. 4: In this graph the representation of political parties or groups per channel is
depicted, in the time period before the crisis. ... 147
Graph 6. 5: In this graph the representation of political parties or groups per channel is
depicted, in the time period during the crisis. ... 148
Graph 6. 6: In this graph people diversity is recorded with regard to the role of speakers, in
the time period before the crisis. ... 149
Graph 6. 7: In this graph people diversity is recorded with regard to the capacity of speakers,
in the time period during the crisis. ... 150
Graph 6. 8: In this graph, the relation of political representatives to the topic which is
discussed is presented, before the economic crisis. ... 151
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Graph 6. 9: In this graph, the relation of political representatives to the topic which is
discussed is presented, during the economic crisis. ... 152
Graph 6. 10: This graph presents the relation of the capacity of the speakers to the topic of
discussion before the economic crisis. The categorization is more general and includes
various fields. ... 153
Graph 6. 11: This graph presents the relation of the capacity of the speakers to the topic of
discussion during the economic crisis. The categorization is more general and includes
various fields. ... 153
Graph 7. 1: Quantitative analysis of productions per television production company. More
specifically, the graph presents the number of productions produced by production companies
during the period of source diversity under examination: 24.11-7.12.2008 - 23.2- 8.3.2009.
... 163
Graph 7. 2: Comparative analysis of in-house and external productions per programming
category. The categorization described in subchapter 4.4.2 is used. ... 164
Graph 7. 3: Comparative analysis of in-house productions and external productions on public
and private television. ... 165
Graph 7. 4: General analysis of programming categories of culture, entertainment and
information per television production company. ... 166
Graph 7. 5: Comparative graph that illustrates the television viewing ratings for external
productions. ... 167
Graph 7. 6: Comparative analysis of the external productions of channels considering the
figures for the production companies. ... 168
Graph 7. 7: Comparative analysis of external productions by viewing figures for
programming categories... 169
Graph 7. 8: Comparative graph illustrating television viewing figures for external productions
with relation to their broadcasting time. ... 169
Graph 7. 9: The quota of television production companies owned by television channels. .. 170
Graph 7. 10: External productions in relation to broadcasting times. More specifically, this
graph reflects how the external productions are distributed throughout broadcasting time .. 172
Graph 7. 11: Comparative analysis of external productions assessed by programming genres,
in relation to their broadcasting time or broadcasting slot. ... 173
Graph 8. 1: Comparison of external and in-house productions during autumn 2008 and
autumn 2012. It is shown that the external productions have decreased significantly.
Specifically, the time period that is shown on this graph (as mentioned in the methodological
chapter) is the last week of November and the first week of December (24.11-7.12.2008) and
11 to 25 November 2012, respectively. These time periods represent the total annual
programming because this is the start of the new television season and there are no
substantial changes during the year. ... 175
Graph 8. 2: Number of productions per production company. More specifically, this graph
shows the activity of production companies based on the number of their productions (the last
week of November and the first week of December (24.11-7.12.2008)... 176
Graph 8. 3: Main programming category per production type. The three categories, namely
news, entertainment and culture, are presented according to their production type, external or
in-house. ... 177
Graph 8. 4: Main programming category per channel type. More specifically, the tendencies
of public and private television channels are compared. Numbers refer to the number of
programmes... 178
Graph 8. 5: Main programming category per production company. ... 179
Graph 8. 6: Production type (external/in-house) per channel. ... 180
Graph 8. 7: Production type (external/in-house) per channel group (private/public). ... 181
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Graph 8. 8: Main categories of external production per audience share. The horizontal
column indicates the audience share and the vertical column indicates the number of
programmes (frequency). The source of the ratings was AGB Hellas. ... 181
Graph 8. 9: External production genres by audience share. The horizontal column indicates
the audience share and the vertical column indicates the number of programmes (frequency).
The source of the ratings was AGB Hellas. ... 182
Graph 8. 10: Main programming categories by time scheduling. In this graph, programming
zones are illustrated, according to their topic category. ... 183
Graph 8. 11: Programming genres by time scheduling. This is essentially a sub categorization
of graph 8.10. ... 183
Graph 8. 12: Audience share by time scheduling. The source of the ratings was AGB Hellas.
... 184
Chart 7. 1: The split of in-house and external programmes. ... 162
Chart 7. 2: The quota of productions in relation to television channels that own the production
companies. More specifically, this graph shows the percentage of the productions that come
from production companies that are shareholders in television channels and the percentage of
productions made by independent production companies. ... 171
Diagram 2. 1:In this diagram the classification of film genres is presented, as it was
conceived and developed by Chandler, based on the categorization of the magazine "What's
on TV", developed for British television in 1993 (Chandler, 1997). ... 60
Diagram 3. 1: Categorization of the various approaches with regard to field and area of focus.
The approaches are divided into general approaches, content-based approaches, sector-based
approaches and form-based approaches. This diagram distinguishes between the rationales of
the alternative approaches to content (author). ... 92
Diagram 6. 1: In this diagram, the three elements that constitute people diversity are depicted.
The assessment of people diversity along these axes is significant, because it presents a more
complete view of the concept (author)... 154
Figure 1. 1: Introduction diagram: The first stage of this research, before the analysis of the
research questions, divides the empirical research into three levels. Studying genres with
regard to their scheduling; news coverage and, lastly, production and the strategies adopted.
The three research levels are presented in this diagram. ... 43
Figure 9. 1: Concluding diagram: This diagram presents the interactive chain of the process
of assessing the degree of diversity, as developed through the empirical analyses and
approaches in of this research. The three pylons that were examined are illustrated, namely
genre diversity, source diversity and viewpoint diversity, along with the features that
complete the approach. ... 189
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CHAPTER ONE:
INTRODUCTION
1.1. The television content in question
The importance of Newton Minow's (1961) classic speech on television, which was delivered
at the National Association of Broadcasters convention, is still valid today, since the forming
of television content, its tendencies and the parameters for its study, evaluation and
assessment are still debated today. Minow's words, in the following quotation, illustrate the
unrelenting significance of the matter: "...But when television is bad, nothing is worse. I
invite you to sit down in front of the television set when your channel goes on the air and stay
there without a book, magazine, newspaper, profit-and-loss sheet or rating book to distract
you and keep your eyes glued to that set until the channel signs off. I can assure you that
you will observe a vast wasteland. You will see a procession of game shows, violence,
audience participation shows, formula comedies about totally unbelievable families, blood
and thunder, mayhem, violence, sadism, murder, Western bad men, Western good men,
private eyes, gangsters, more violence and cartoons. And, endlessly, commercials many
screaming, cajoling and offending. And most of all, boredom. True, you will see a few things
you will enjoy. But they will be very, very few. And if you think I exaggerate, try it."
(Minow, 1961).
The relevance of the above quotation of Minow's (1961) for the following research lies in the
fact that forming the content of television the issue in question in this research is not a
simple and straightforward matter. It involves various forms and levels of analysis and it
cannot be addressed in a one-dimensional and simplistic way; rather, it requires a wider
approach in order for the parameters that form, constitute and finally construct the content to
be understood. The concept of content can refer to various notions and it can consist of both
qualitative and quantitative approaches (Krippendorff, 2004).
The complexity of assessing content comes across in Minow's speech (1961), an excerpt of
which is set out above. This complexity is centred upon the basic question of how television
content is evaluated and assessed. For instance, the belief that television programming is of
increasingly low quality a typical opinion among viewers is a quite straightforward
conclusion, which, however, contains within it a complicated and multi-levelled
methodological issue. Newcomb and Hirsch (1983) describe television as an aesthetic object,
which has its nucleus within the content. Interestingly, the authors, even though they
approach the matter from the cultural perspective of content, argue that its study should
employ the textual levels and the various forms that constitute the content.
Within the problematic issue of studying content, the concept of diversity, which is the key
concept studied in this research, holds a leading role. It is a key concept for the study of
content but, at the same time, equally problematic. The challenging nature of diversity stems
from the fact that it functions in a multi-levelled way and it can be applied, but not as a
single-concept, to a number of parameters and matters (McDonald and Dimmick, 2003).
McDonald and Dimmick (2003), in their study on the conceptualization of diversity,
classified the concept on a quantitative basis, distinguishing between three dimensions
according to its methodological orientation. The first dimension of diversity is the
classification of data that one wishes to examine within the framework of diversity, for
example, the classification of data regarding types of firms or programming. The second
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methodological dimension of diversity concerns data distribution within the categories; this
involves, in other words, classifying subcategories. In the case of television content, for
instance, this occurs when programmes are categorized into genres and subgenres. The third
dimension of diversity according to McDonald and Dimmick (2003) is that of "dual-concept"
diversity which examines two different parameters simultaneously; the authors define dual-
concept diversity as: "...a two-dimensional construct that holds a central place of study in
many fields, including communication" (p.60). McDonald and Dimmick locate the notion of
dual-concept diversity in Junge's work (1994), who originally uses it in the field of
psychology and uses this dual terminology in considering the number of classes and in the
extent of the homogeneity of the data distribution has in a piece of research. McDonald and
Dimmick, based on Junge's rationale, explain the conceptual extension of dual-concept
diversity to the area of media content: "One dimension reflects the categories of
classification, and the other reflects the distribution of elements within those categories. This
"dual-concept" diversity (in Junge's, 1994, terminology) is central to virtually all
conceptualizations of diversity" (p.74). It is essentially a theoretical construct, as is, for
instance, Stirling's approach (1998) on variety, disparity and heterogeneity, which is
discussed in the third chapter and can be applied to a wide spectrum of fields, from natural
sciences to social sciences. More specifically, McDonald and Dimmick (2003) argue that:
"The general concept of diversity has been applied to a number of different areas" (p.62).
Ruta and Gabrys (2001), also refer to diversity as a general concept which can be broadly
applied: "Diversity among classifiers is the notion describing the level to which classifiers
vary in data representation, concepts, strategy etc. That way perceived multidimensional
diversity has many faces but its effects observed at the outputs of classifiers are the same..."
(p.1).
This general approach used by McDonald and Dimmick, which initially as it was
mentioned above was developed as a "dual-concept" terminology by Junge, differs greatly
from context-specific conceptualizations, such as Napoli's (1999), which deals with media
content policies. McDonald and Dimmick argue that: "In the present study, the term
dimension refers not to contexts of application but instead to characteristics of the diversity
concept that are present in all contexts. We seek to specify general guidelines related to
measures of diversity that might be found in many contexts or applications in which diversity
is an issue. It is our contention that the clarification of the concept of diversity and an
evaluation of its measures can lead to greater clarity in the research literature in all fields in
which diversity is a central concept." (p.63). Junge (1994) fleshes out the concept of diversity
with the attribute of quantity: "In statistical terms a measure (index) of diversity is a summary
description of a population with a class structure. More generally, quantification of diversity
is related to the apportionment of some quantity (e.g., number of elements, time, and mass)
into a number of well-defined classes..." (p.16).
Returning to the matter of content, the relation between content and diversity appears in a
number of research studies examining this particular subject. In the third chapter, where
empirical approaches are discussed, such research studies will be addressed, as, for instance,
Napoli's study (1999) on content diversity, and diversity will be analysed both as a policy
issue and as a non-policy objective in an attempt to render its notional boundaries clear and
discernible and to further discuss its methodological orientation. That is, the way in which
diversity is approached as a tool for assessing various content parameters and the limits if
any to its use as an approach. This research does not limit content study strictly within the
context of diversity of genre a typical approach when the issue of content diversity is
examined but it moves outside this framework, exploring television content and its
development from other perspectives as well. It is claimed here that for a complete study of
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content, a multifaceted approach is required; this is the reason why, as it will be shown below
through the research queries, content diversity is examined using a multi-levelled approach.
1.2.
Quality in television and the link with diversity
The concept of quality is discussed in this subchapter because of the close correlation
between content quality and diversity. Quality and diversity are frequently confused, as, for
instance, with regard to the popular idea that if there is content diversity in scheduling, this
will automatically entail quality or, even, that the quality of a schedule depends on specific
programming genres and that broadcasting certain genres instead of others may raise or lower
the quality of the programming. However, such conclusions are clearly subjective, since
quality genres do not automatically promote content diversity. In other words, content quality
does not necessarily promote diversity of genre and content, or the other way round.
In this study, it is not worthwhile or relevant for us to engage in a conceptual discussion of
terms, such as quality, since as is detailed below the polysemy of the term would make
this very difficult. It is more relevant for us to study the correlation between quality and
diversity and to discuss certain components of their relation. Moreover, the relation between
quality and diversity, and the way it is formed through shared features, can contribute to a
deeper understanding, through new variables, of media policy design.
Some further discussion is, however, necessary to underline the fact that quality cannot be
defined, as it is a dynamic, changeable and sometimes general and abstract concept. These
features are attributed to the methodologically problematic nature of the concept of quality,
since it cannot be assessed on the basis of specific variables, nor can unequivocal conclusions
on its nature be attained (Taylor, 2003). When a researcher attempts to interpret and approach
the term, the provided definition is de facto constructed through subjective interpretations. By
far the majority of the efforts to define it are semantic, aiming to eliminate this academic
"softness", ambiguity, liminality and dissonance, in order to encourage and promote research
on this specific issue. An approach attempting to conceptually specify the various levels of
quality was presented by Celata and Albani (2005). The authors distinguish between seven
levels of quality (perceived quality, expected quality, requisite quality, acquired quality,
ethical quality, delivered quality, organizational quality). Celata and Albani (2005) attempt to
clarify quality, firstly, through the above-mentioned classification and, secondly, by placing it
within the context of customer satisfaction, technological impact and the financial
management of quality. The authors (2005), referring to the quality of television
programming, argue that the study of content quality has purely financial standards with
respect to its approach and the way it is assessed. They mention, for example, the issues of
production cost or of licence fees for programming and advertising inflow that a schedule can
incur as matters that place the concept of quality within a financial context. On the other
hand, the authors (2005) claim that the quality of television programming is not independent
from the creative part, since through the process of content creation or, more specifically, of
creating a programme, certain variables may be established, which can shape the quality of
the programming (2005).
The assessment of content quality is closely related to concepts which can define the various
aspects of quality. One such concept, which can establish variables for the assessment of
programming quality - or at least for a partial qualitative analysis of a schedule -, is the
concept of diversity.
28
It is possible to observe the way content quality corresponds to content diversity and the areas
in which they coincide thanks to the research that was conducted by the Cyprus Radio
Television Authority (2006). The aim of this research was to establish certain criteria for the
evaluation and assessment of quality with regard to radio and television in Cyprus.
Some of the quality assessment parameters used in the research, found in the proposals and
conclusions section, include factors such as the cost and level of local productions, the
broadcasting scheduling, the types of foreign series that are being broadcast and the variety of
the shows (Cyprus Radio television Authority, 2006).
Programming variety in particular, but also other criteria, such as the production cost and
selection, which basically concern the process of production and source diversity an issue
that will be discussed in detail below are related to the concept of diversity. In other words,
the study of the diversity of specific aspects of the content, such as genre and programming
type analysis, as well as the analysis of the degree of diversity, are used as parameters for
determining the level of the quality of programming.
Hillve, Majanen and Rosengren (1997) approach this correlation between quality and
diversity in a more direct and specific way. They argue that the quality of a channel depends
on the degree of diversity of its programming. According to them, quality as a concept cannot
be defined, since any definition of quality can be drawn from a multitude of dimensions. The
authors (1997) claim that the solution to this conceptual dilemma is to be found within the
concept of diversity. In the following subchapters and throughout this research, the notion of
diversity will be analysed and its conceptual dimensions will be shown.
Therefore, due to the complexity of this concept and because of its correlation with diversity,
as has already been mentioned, the most useful and appropriate mechanism for addressing the
quality of television content (in this research, only the concept of content diversity, not quality
is addressed empirically) is to assemble and refer to specific criteria that could be used to
identify a method of programming that has the necessary traits. Such criteria have been
assembled by Papathanassopoulos (1993), who offers some clear and significant parameters:
1.
Freedom of expression is imperative so that the work of the creator is not used for
maximising viewing ratings.
2.
The producer of a schedule should not be under time pressure to complete the work.
3.
A high standard of professionalism is required and the people involved in the
programming's production should be fully aware of any technical developments in the
field of their activities.
4.
A quality production should be original and the creator should give the impression that
the created work can educate viewers and promote awareness among them
(Papathanassopoulos, 1993).
Furthermore, other factors may contribute to improving the quality of the content of
television programming such as, for instance, if it is of an educational nature, or if pluralism
and the representativeness of all social groups are present. All these factors contribute
actively to the quality of programming. As far as this issue is concerned, the existing
commercial logic of the media is, for the most part, not in line with these specific features.
29
From the aforementioned studies it is obvious that quality is not independent from related
concepts, such as diversity, since it is not possible to provide a commonly accepted
definition. This means that quality can be approached using various indicators, which quite
frequently account for different or even contradictory issues, given that a researcher may
perceive a factor as a negative or a positive parameter with respect to quality assessment. For
instance, Papathanassopoulos (1993) claims that the work of the creator should not be used
for raising the viewing ratings, whereas Crawford (2007) considers programming ratings as a
quality criterion.
This means that the polysemy of the concept of quality undoubtedly has an impact on various
studies that claim to measure quality. In this respect, it is worth noting that some studies take,
as a basic standard of quality, those programmes which attract the highest numbers of
viewers, thus leading to the conclusion that the highest quality programmes are news
bulletins and programmes with violent content, since these are the ones that achieve the
highest ratings. Crawford (2007) determines the quality of programming based on two
distinct parameters. Firstly, his study refers to audience measurements, estimating that the
highest quality programming will have higher ratings. Furthermore, the number and length of
advertising spots are also considered as factors that determine the quality of television
programming. Crawford (2007) in particular links the quality of programming to purely
economic factors: "We similarly focus on economic measures of programming quality. We
have two measures. First, we measure quality by the number of households who choose to
watch a programme. Second, we measure quality by the number and length (in minutes and
seconds) of advertisements included on that programme. This captures the idea that the more
advertisements included in a programme, the less enjoyable it is to viewers to watch that
programme" (p.2).
Quality is a multidimensional concept which is difficult to approach on one single level. One
means of approaching quality is linked to content diversity. At this point, it is important to
stress the crucial part diversity plays in parallel concepts, such as quality or pluralism,
something which is discussed in the next subchapter. However, the polysemy of the concept,
as well as normative discourses, can be rather useful for prospective policy design, since they
can benefit the discussion and steer it in this direction. For example, a review or an
enrichment of the variables that define at present the quality of programming, may lead to the
development of new tendencies in media policy, in particular, with regard to policy
concerning television programming. This is because the media policy agenda has no fixed or
static status, since it is determined each time it is developed, based on new data. Braman
(2004) locates the challenge of approaching and interpreting media policy as being primarily
a result of technological development and transformation. Braman argues that: "Various
strands of law dealing with information technologies and the content they carry have come
together, often burying traditional media policy issues within a vast policy space. Seeing the
media policy trees within this forest is difficult" (p.154). In this case as well namely, of the
effects that technological advances may have on media policy the focus is once more on the
content, since this is essentially what is created and consumed by the audience. Therefore, the
degree of content diversity is greatly affected both by external factors, such as technology, as
well as by factors that influence the decisions the channels make, such as the ratings of a
particular programming schedule.
1.3. Pluralism and diversity in the media: Two parallel concepts
A description of these two concepts pluralism and diversity is required before we can
proceed to the main research work, which consists of an analysis of the diversity of television
30
content. The differentiation between these two concepts even if quite often they are
considered to be synonyms can be found by looking at the field of media. Nonetheless, it
remains a problematic distinction, since it is rather challenging to define them as two different
concepts. Freedman (2005), for instance, claims with regard to the distinction between these
two concepts: "...This highlights the key issues of the democratic requirement for
contrasting sources, ideas, forms, and images present in the media environment but does
little to clarify the distinction between the two terms. The confusion is not helped by the fact
that U.S. media policy debates generally focus on securing diversity whereas European ones
are increasingly coalescing around the objective of pluralism (which, as we shall see, is itself
closer to what U.S. policymakers describe as competition)" (p.17).
According to Freedman's statement, given above, two conclusions can be drawn: Firstly, that
there are interpretive difficulties in distinguishing between diversity and pluralism and,
secondly, that because the notional boundaries between these two concepts are not clear,
clarifying them becomes even more problematic. As is shown above, one aspect of their
differentiation is the different way the US media policy and the European agenda interpret
and approach these two concepts.
1.3.1.
The concept of pluralism in contrast to diversity
The relationship between pluralism and diversity can be explored using the concept of
freedom of opinion and ideas in the media. This perspective is rather interesting because, by
using viewpoint diversity, the distinction between pluralism of voices and viewpoint (or
opinion) diversity can be further highlighted. The importance that is given to ensuring the
inclusion of the opinion of citizens is typical. The above-mentioned approach, used by
Freedman, associates pluralism with viewpoint diversity, an issue which is dealt with in the
third chapter of this research. For instance, Gillian Doyle (2007), on this matter, clarifies that
pluralism and diversity are close as concepts and refers to "different and independent voices".
More specifically she argues that:
In the field of media, pluralism implies general ideas referring to the diversity
of content and the diversity of ownership. By referring to pluralism we mean a
number of different and independent voices in the media that express different
aspects, points of view and perspectives that show all the different dimensions
of culture (2007, p.136).
According to Doyle (2002), media pluralism is a concept that coexists with diversity but they
act within different conceptual frameworks. The border between these two concepts is not
easily discernible; rather, the difference has to do with the more general nature of the
description of pluralism in contrast to the specific definitions of diversity. On the other hand,
both concepts are important factors in the discussion about public policy. More specifically,
Doyle (2002) argues that: "Pluralism and diversity remain the key concerns underlying public
policy in this area" (p.174). In addition, Doyle's view (2002) on ownership status and the way
it affects the pluralism of ideas and consequently viewpoint diversity is quite interesting: "The
main perceived danger is that excessive concentration of media ownership can lead to over
presentation of certain political viewpoints or values or certain forms of cultural output..."
(p.13). Even though a multiplicity of suppliers is obviously desirable in many ways, it will not
necessarily result in greater content diversity. In fact, counter intuitively, in many situations
diversity of ownership can diminish the diversity of content. This is the case, for example,
when the former leads to market, revenue and investment fragmentation, which leads to
31
innovation becoming unaffordable. Policymakers know this and actively encourage some
degree of market concentration (Helberger, 2011).
Pluralism, according to Doyle, also depends on the variety of media content and sources in
order to avoid uniformity in programming and ensure transparency. Referring to the case of
the Essex Campaign for Local Radio
1
, she mentions: "The Essex Campaign for Local Radio,
for example, argued that consolidation of ownership encourages networking and greater
uniformity of output at the expense of local diversity" (p.133). Doyle's use of the word
"networking" seems to be of particular importance for the following study on content
formation. "Networking" eludes both to horizontal and vertical grouping in the business
sector. Consequently, content networking can be discussed, with regard to its conventionalism
towards specific models and tendencies in the market.
As will be shown below, pluralism does not refer only to the ownership status. The
relationship between pluralism and diversity concerns specific issues with regard to content
form and shaping. Diversity begins when the general idea of pluralism reaches its limits with
regard to the interpretation of any quantitative data related to content outflow. The
Independent Study on Indicators for Media Pluralism in the Member States conducted for the
European Commission also refers to the limits of media pluralism: "Media pluralism is a
concept that goes far beyond media ownership [...]. It embraces many aspects, ranging from,
for example, merger control rules to content requirements in broadcasting licensing systems,
the establishment of editorial freedoms, the independence and status of public service
broadcasters..." (p.2).
Iosifidis (1997) has also dealt with the conceptual clarification of pluralism and diversity and
approaches the matter as follows: "Media diversity is indeed a broad concept with many
dimensions: plurality of contents, access to different points of view, offering a wide range of
choice, geographical diversity, etc. It thus encompasses pluralism of many kinds: regional,
linguistic, political, and cultural and in taste levels. Consequently, by concentrating on this
notion, one will be able to cover a wide spectrum of social benefits that need to be preserved
if the media are to support democratic life" (p.86). In a more recent study, Iosifidis (2008)
associates pluralism with competition and specifically analyses the case of public service
broadcasters at the European level.
Iosifidis refers to a number of cases: "...For example, in countries such as Belgium,
Switzerland and Spain there are more than one public service broadcaster due to historical,
cultural or linguistic reasons, but they normally serve different communities or, as in Spain,
different regions (...) France Televisions, the French public broadcaster, and Arte, the Franco-
German cultural channel, do not testify to a plurality of public service broadcasters, as Arte
has always meant to be a niche broadcaster, and is now an artificial creation designed to serve
a political purpose. France 2 and France 3 fit the bill better, but have of course been folded
into the France Televisions holding. The same applies to Greek television broadcasters ET-1
(mainstream), NET (mainly news) and ET-3 (covering events from northern Greece)..."
(p.185).
In seeking to adopt an overall approach to the term, we focus on certain key issues. In most
approaches, especially in those developed before the middle of the 1990s, pluralism seems to
be closely associated with the ownership status of television channels; for instance, what
Iosifidis refers to, revolves around the ownership status of public broadcasters at a European
level and, in particular, around the operational status of these public broadcasters. Asides
1
Campaigns organized by the BBC at a local level, for the promotion and survival of local radio.
32
from this, Iosifidis also relates the operational status of public broadcasters the competitive
environment in which they operate to their content. Iosifidis specifically refers to: "Key
public service genres" (p.186), meaning those genres which make up the core of the
programming agenda.
The relation between pluralism and content leads to the concept of diversity. Pluralism is a
more normative concept, in the sense that it manifests itself within the broader public sphere
and functions as the theoretical basis which leads to the concept of diversity. In contrast,
diversity is a measurable quantity, due to the fact that it has specific parameters that can be
studied. Therefore, while people refer to pluralism of voices in general, when diversity is
studied, the matters under examination become more specific, as in the case of political
diversity in news bulletins, which makes it easier for the researcher to draw conclusions with
regard to the degree of the pluralism of voices. Another example is the more general nature of
"pluralism in the programming" in contrast to "genre diversity" in studies of the concept of
diversity. Karppinen (2007) offers another conceptual differentiation between pluralism and
diversity, which lends to pluralism the trait of `unicity' and to diversity, that of `uniformity',
claiming that the concept of pluralism remains a more general one: "...pluralism, in whatever
field of enquiry, refers to a theorized preference for multiplicity over unicity and diversity
over uniformity. In this sense, almost all particular discourses could be conceived as
reflecting some aspect of the pluralism/monism interface. Similarly, pluralism is conceived
here more as a general intellectual orientation than a specific school of thought or ideology,
and the specific manifestations of this orientation would, thus, be expected to change
depending on the context." (p.11). Nevertheless, this distinction, provided by Karppinen,
between the qualities of pluralism and diversity, namely "unicity" and "uniformity", is not an
explicit one, since these two concepts do not present a clear conceptual correlation or
distinction. This view is related to the concept of `pluriformity', as employed by van
Cuilenburg (1982).
Yet another conceptual dimension of pluralism which further clarifies the relation between
pluralism and diversity lies in the subdivisions of the concept of pluralism, namely in
external and internal pluralism. External pluralism is also referred to as structural pluralism.
These are essentially two specializations of the concept of pluralism which, as will be shown
below, converge at some level with the concept of diversity. External pluralism is associated
with media ownership status in favour of a free market economy and free competition and
against any restrictive practices related to the entry of new competitors into the field. With
regard to external pluralism, a large range of suppliers is a guarantee of pluralism. The
European Commission (2005), referring to this type of pluralism, attempts an interpretive
approach: "...the concept of structural pluralism ... relates to the plurality of undertakings
active on a specific market and has historically been associated with the press sector and the
perceived need to constantly maintain a plurality of actors and outlets in a sector..." (p.3). On
the other hand, internal pluralism is associated with content and diversity itself, as it concerns
the pluralism of opinion, the pluralism of ideas and the pluralism of manners that are
promoted in the context of specific media.
The conceptual definition that Iosifidis (2008) provides for internal pluralism is as follows:
"...internal pluralism is mainly related to the various scheduling and programming strategies
for the different audience targets of the various channels" (p.187). Porte, Medina and
Sadaba's (2007) interpretation is along the same lines, with regard to scheduling and content
programming. The difference is that they introduce to their conceptual interpretation the
element of expression, and the circulation of ideas and opinions in connection with the genres
33
that constitute the content: "...internal pluralism is linked to the diversity of genres, ideas and
opinions in the content" (p.381). In this approach, the concept of diversity is used, which is
dealt with in greater depth in the next sub-chapter. Nevertheless, it is important to attempt a
conceptual delimitation between pluralism and diversity, even though it is extremely difficult
to provide an explicit clarification.
Humphreys (1996), referring to the concept of internal pluralism, focuses on public
broadcasters and the impact their programming should have on society: "...As mentioned, it
was also a fundamental axiom that public-service broadcasting systems should provide a
universal service catering to democratic pluralism and social diversity. This aim was written
into their `generalised mandates' (...) and practiced within their programming schedules by
all public service channels; the Germans called this `internal pluralism'. From the 1960s
onwards, with the expansion of television, quite often a special remit was given to particular
channels as well. Thus in Britain, for instance, the higher brow BBC 2 was introduced in1964
so that BBC 1 could become more popularly orientated and compete with ITV." (p.130).
With regard to the matter of external and internal pluralism, Iosifidis (2008), referring to the
case of Spain (a country that has a lot in common with the Greek market), argues: "As far the
debate on internal/external pluralism is concerned in the large country of Spain, there are no
rules for the participation of independent content providers in public television. In fact, a few
production companies take most of the cake..." (p.187). With regard to countries that present
common features an issue which is discussed in the second chapter as well, in the context of
studying content in small nations Hallin and Papathanassopoulos (2002) argue that
Southern Europe's, namely Greek, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese, media systems show
certain similarities that differentiate them from the systems of other European countries.
According to the authors, these common features are not arbitrary but they were gradually
formed as a result of the similar historical frameworks of these countries. A typical example
they refer to, with regard to the institutional framework of news content in Spain and in
Greece, is the following: "Spain and Greece, meanwhile, are the two countries remaining in
Western Europe in which the ruling party directly controls public broadcasting. In both
countries the management of the news divisions of public television changes with a change in
government, and the news is at important moments mobilized to support the government
politically" (p.180).
From this examination of the conceptual approaches, it can be concluded that there is an
interaction and a convergence between external and internal pluralism, which leads to the
formation of content and content diversity. Further clarifying this point, this interaction is
focused along specific axes. For instance, the connection between pluralism and diversity can
be identified exactly at this point: The formation of external pluralism, that is, ownership
pluralism, ultimately affects the way internal pluralism, namely the content, is formed. This is
also illustrated by the findings from the empirical data of this research, where it is shown that
the production process and market production practices affect schedule forming as well.
Nonetheless, it is not clear whether this interactive relation between external and internal
factors that shape content has positive or negative effects on the content, as well as to what
extent these factors interact with each other. Beyond that point, the internal aspects of content
are examined from the perspective of diversity. For instance, genres and their classification is
an issue which, when approached using the concept of diversity, is viewed as measurable; not
as a theoretical concept, which is the case when it is examined using the idea of pluralism.
The European Commission has expressed its view on the connection between external and
internal pluralism and in general on the issue of correlating ownership status with content:
34
"Pluralism of ownership ... is a necessary but not sufficient condition for ensuring media
pluralism. Media ownership rules need to be complemented by other provisions ... Media
pluralism, in our understanding, implies all measures that ensure citizens' access to a variety
of information sources, opinion, voices etc. in order to form their opinion without the undue
influence of one dominant opinion forming power" (EC, 2007: 5). On the other hand,
increasing external pluralism will not necessarily bring about pluralistic content, since this
action may incur a negative outcome with regard to the content (Collins, 2010). Klimkiewicz
(2008) argues along the same lines that: "The frequently drawn distinction between external
`plurality of autonomous and independent media' and internal `diversity of media contents
available to the public' revealed a problematic relationship between the two dimensions.
Namely, the research has not so far unanimously proved that a strong link between plurality
of ownership and diversity of content is casual and direct" (p.82).
The important point in this debate, is the way the two forms of pluralism internal and
external are connected to content and consequently to content diversity. After all, the
subject-matter of this research is the content and in what manner and to which degree it is
formed as a result of diversity.
Cavallin (1998), referring to the relation of pluralism to content, mentions the definition of
pluralism, provided by the Council of Europe: "...the notion of pluralism is understood to
mean the scope for a wide range of social, political and cultural values, opinions, information
and interests to find expression through the media. Pluralism may be internal in nature, with a
wide range of social, political and cultural values, opinions, information and interests finding
expression within one media organization, or external in nature, through a number of such
organizations, each expressing a particular point of view" (p.3).
Cavallin mentions the case of the former Soviet Union, in order to support his view that, quite
often, pluralism is developed due to various reasons, for example, according to political
expediencies. He concludes that the concept of pluralism is directly associated with content,
referring to the Council of Europe's above-mentioned definition: "The working definition
suggests that pluralism should, in this context, only relate to content. Therefore, external
pluralism is also defined in relation to a pluralism of content..." (p.4).
In order to clarify the concept of television pluralism and, in general, of media pluralism, we
must understand the broader frameworks, within which different television systems and
consequently their content production operate. This is necessary, because every television
system perceives its pluralistic tendencies in a different way. Goodman and Price (2008),
discussing this matter, claim: "The expectations for public television with respect to media
pluralism can only be understood against a background of the US broadcast television in
general." (p.191). The authors refer to the issue of localism in US broadcasting, as an
interesting example which is directly associated with pluralism. Pluralistic localism in the
media is an issue which has not been discussed extensively at the European level or even in
smaller countries, such as Greece, whether because localism is perceived in a different way
than in the US television system, or due to the fact that it is not a priority for policy makers.
2
The concept of diversity, as well as pluralism, is directly associated with the process of the
deregulation of television, since the latter affects media programming as well. At this point, it
is worth elaborating on the various incarnations of the concept of internal pluralism, so as not
2
It should be noted that historically the concept of external pluralism was introduced to accommodate deregulation i.e. it was argued that
as technology enables multichannel television and narrowcasting, there was less of a need to insist on internally diverse generalist
broadcasters. The assumption was the system as a whole could provide genuine choice.
35
to cause confusion, as this concept was mentioned previously in this study. Internal pluralism
was present in television before its deregulation, since it was initially developed as a concept
for public television. Broadly speaking, during deregulation, internal pluralism changed form,
since the commercialization of television, which is a feature of deregulation, altered the way
channels plan their scheduling and programming strategies. The feature that was directly
affected by the deregulation of television was external pluralism, due to the changes that
occurred with regard to the ownership status of channels, as well as at the level of production,
with the creation of production companies and the commercialization of content.
Papathanassopoulos (1993) argues that: "Assigning work to the private sector is an act which
indicates that one or more businesses however, not all of them which until now were
protected by state's de jure monopoly, move away from the relevant public organisation and
are assigned to private companies. In other words, the state, instead of using its own body,
employees and technical equipment for programming production, now has the possibility to
address to private producers" (p.52).
The concept of deregulation is referred to throughout this research and this is why it is
presented in the introduction. In fact, content diversity and, more specifically, its
development were affected by the deregulation of the medium, in this case, television, given
that television deregulation transformed the logic of the content. Papathanassopoulos (1997),
referring to the relation of television deregulation and content, focusing on the case of Greek
television, argues: "...Greece has undergone a broadcasting commercialization, adopting a
market solution with more channels, more advertising, more programme imports and more
politics" (p.352). Deregulation was not a one-way process that affected only the degree of
content diversity; rather, it had a chain reaction on the market. For instance, it broadened the
advertising market or the market for domestic and foreign programme production. The
franchising of telenovelas (Spanish soap operas) for example is a consequence of the
deregulation process. Watson and Hill (2000), studying the concept of deregulation, write
that: "Deregulation describes the process whereby channels of communication, specifically
radio and television, are opened up beyond the existing franchise-holders. Another term in
current use, `privatization', emphasizes the practical nature of the shift, from public to
commercial control..." (p.86). The authors (2000), in order to illustrate the concept of
deregulation, discuss the decision of the British Government in 1982 to allow competition
between the private sector and British Telecom, referring in particular to the company,
Mercury, joining the market.
Iosifidis (2005) describes deregulation as a process which allowed the media market to
expand from the state to the private sector: "For most of its history the media and
telecommunications sector has been run as a state-owned regulated monopoly, but markets
opened up to competition throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Accompanying these trends was a
process of deregulation, leaving competitive market forces to determine the shape of the
sector. The debate around mergers and acquisitions and competition policy is very much
related to this" (p.107). As such, the concept of content diversity appeared as a direct
consequence of the deregulation of the media market, in particular of television. One of the
most interesting issues here is the study of the programming development process in the years
following deregulation, which also appears in this research. Iosifidis associates competition
policy with deregulation, since the latter brought competition to the sector, which
consequently affected content diversity, given that, due to competition, various rationales
regarding production methods were introduced, such as those based on production costs and
programming genres. Anderson (1999) discusses deregulation in the context of the
competitive market, as the final product reaches a wide group of consumers. According to
36
Anderson, their needs will be satisfied by lower costs, since the market behaves
competitively: "Deregulation is associated with another much misused word, "efficiency".
Market economics doublespeak has it that efficiency means a "market efficiency", born of
vigorous competitive markets which drive down prices, and profits, and which will benefit
the great mass of consumers" (p.5). By contrasting this reference to the mass consumption of
products with the case of television, it is clear that the deregulation of television created a
new audience, since the new programming composition and enrichment which is called
content diversity formed new tendencies both with regard to programming and viewers'
preferences. For instance, before deregulation there were really few hours in a channel's
programming, while afterwards, a boom in television hours occurred (Waisbord, 2004).
Papathanassopoulos (1993) also refers to the idea of commercialization and in particular to
the issue of the commercialization of television content as a consequence of deregulation.
Papathanassopoulos (1993) associates this issue with advertising and defines
commercialization as a process, whereby television becomes dependent on advertising
revenue. Focusing on content production, Papathanassopoulos (1993) specifically argues: "In
fact, the new European map of television depicts more channels, more intense competition,
more advertisements and plenty imported programmes, primarily from the US [...]. The
competition, aiming at the highest viewer ratings, has led even public television to stop acting
as an agent of public social service, given that the majority of public channels adopt similar
strategies with their private competitors" (p.57).
In order to historically account for the case of Greek television, before our further analysis, it
should be noted that in Greece, deregulation procedures started in the 1980s. Various political
developments and changes that occurred around this time delayed deregulation, which
eventually took place in 1989,
3
when the first two private television channels, MEGA
Channel, followed by Antenna, started operating. These two channels are studied empirically
later on in this research. Some additional information, with regard to the broader regulatory
framework of content in Greece, is discussed in the last subchapter of this chapter.
1.3.2.
The concept of diversity: Why is it important to study it?
Diversity is considered as being a measurable concept associated with the assessment of
media content, taking a number of parameters such as the diversity of opinion, sources that
are used and groups that are represented through the media output. There are several
parameters that could make diversity a measurable concept and it could not be argued that
diversity can be assessed one-dimensionally, for instance only with regard to programming
genres. Diversity comprises a complex of parameters, which are sometimes interconnected,
while others occur independently. This is also supported by a report from the University of
Trendo, which, broadly speaking, classifies the dimensions of diversity as follows: diversity
of sources, diversity of resources, diversity of topic, diversity of speakers/actors/opinion
holders, diversity of opinions, diversity of genre, diversity of language, geographical
diversity and temporal diversity (Maltese, et al., 2009). Schultz (2005) wrote a working
paper dealing with media diversity as a measuring concept. This paper is concerned with the
debate around finding an acceptable metric for the assessment of content diversity. The paper
was included in the agenda of the Federal Communications Commission the FCC is
discussed in the third chapter, where various approaches, established by the FCC through
papers and public consultations, are presented. Schultz (2005) concludes that diversity as a
measurable concept is constantly changing, mainly due to internet technological advances,
3
Law 1866/1989
37
such as the emergence of internet radios and channels, and he contemplates whether the
ongoing discussion about content diversity within the context of media capitalism could
eventually lead towards a globally, or at least partially accepted, methodological formula for
the assessment of media diversity.
As with the case of pluralism, there are a number of interesting definitions within the
literature, which place diversity within conceptual contexts and approach it as a measurable
concept. Karppinen's definition, based on the heterogeneity of media content, is one such
example:
In a wider sense, media diversity aims at finding the heterogeneity which may
be defined in different ways and at the same time refers to different aspects of
the media as sources, outputs, opinions and any other aspects related to the
media (Karppinen 2006, p.60).
This means that diversity can refer to the extent to which media content reflects and serves
various public interests and opinions, or it can refer to the general diffusion of media power in
society on the level of ownership, economic structures and political influence. Nevertheless,
heterogeneity which is mentioned in Karppinen's definition can be detected with the use
of a number of parameters and is not only indicative of the diversity of opinion. For instance,
heterogeneity can be detected, hence assessed, in the distribution of programming genres, an
issue which is extensively dealt with in the following chapters. It can also be detected at the
source level. Source diversity, which is an issue of concern for the following chapters of this
research, within the context of media concentration, has also been extensively studied. So far,
opinion or viewpoint diversity is one of the most popular issues among researchers working
on discussions about measurement and assessment methodology for content diversity.
Opinion diversity or viewpoint diversity or diversity of voices, as an indicator of the degree of
content diversity is probably one of the most debated issues of concern in this research, within
the context of diversity. Viewpoint diversity is addressed theoretically in the following
chapter and presented empirically in the third chapter. The polysemy and the various
definitions of television content diversity make it a crucial issue in the study of content
(Karppinen, 2006).
Petros Iosifidis (2009) attributed the problematic nature of interpreting diversity to its
polysemy, since, as he argues, diversity can refer to several things, such as freedom of ideas
and expression of voices, programming availability with regard to genres and formats, or
production source variety, for example, in the case of independent productions. The polysemy
of diversity not only hinders its notional clarification but it also raises questions about its
methodological applications. Its interpretive polysemy combined with the flexibility that
characterizes it, makes diversity a complicated, but, at the same time, quite attractive matter,
since it covers a wide research spectrum (Nehring and Puppe, 2002). A point that requires
attention is the notional interpretation of diversity in correlation with the absence of common
measurement methodologies. The interpretive variations of diversity result in occasional
disagreements with regard to the way diversity assessment is approached (Breuer, 2010).
Iosifidis (2009) referring to the methodologically problematic nature of measuring diversity,
reaches the following conclusions:
-
Surprisingly, there is little real research, academic review or agreed measurements on
concentration (and diversity),
-
There are no universal measuring methodologies, and
38
-
The appropriate measure depends on the objective of the measurement what is the
purpose of the measurement: the examination of economic power or an assessment of
whether the market structure restricts diversity in the media industry? (2009).
The above-mentioned challenges of measuring or generally assessing diversity may appear to
contrast with the previous analysis of the concept, regarding its quantification. Nonetheless, it
should be clarified that the commonly accepted view of the problematic dimension of
diversity, with respect to measuring methodologies, is an issue that appears throughout this
discussion. The fact that it can determine a methodological framework for the assessment of
the degree of content diversity does not negate its problematic dimension.
From both of the above definitions, it can be seen that diversity as a concept is marked by a
broadness concerning the way it is approached, which is largely related to how the researcher
defines it through the various approaches. In other words, it depends on the choice of the
components upon which the research, attempting to assess the degree of diversity, is based.
Nevertheless, the fact remains that diversity, as opposed to the abstract notion of quality
where the problem is clearly semantic is a measurable concept and convers issues that a
researcher would like to examine. For instance, Iosifidis (1997), referring to the issue of
measuring media concentration this will be analysed in a following chapter as source
diversity presents the problematic nature of measuring within specific contexts, since, he
argues, firstly there should be a definition of the markets,
4
to which any measurement or
assessment will apply. Iosifidis (1997) uses two parameters for this delimitation; firstly, the
specification of the geographical market and secondly of the product market. With regard to
the first parameter, that is the geographical market, Iosifidis claims that the delimitation of the
market size affects the final measurable results and, for this reason, the geographical
boundaries should be specified, prior to any attempt at measurement. In the same way, the
delimitation of the product market is equally important for Iosifidis (1997), therefore, the
features of the market to be examined should be specified from the beginning.
It is crucial for these delimitations, as set out by Iosifidis (1997), to be determined before
using any measuring methodology, because they place the measurement within specific
contexts and they clarify a priori what is to be studied, what its features will be and to which
markets or media products the measurement can be applied. It is important to clarify that
these delimitations define the scope that is the outline of the research, without measuring or
assessing anything, in contrast with the variables. The variables are the elements that
constitute a methodology (however, the variables do not constitute the methodology on their
own; rather they are a part of it) and they are basically the measuring indicators that are used
to draw the results. For instance, genre analysis or the case of source diversity is examples of
such methods of measurement and assessment.
The main aim here is to detect what it is exactly that makes the diversity of television content
an important, useful and also contemporary research issue. This must be done in order for us
to study it in this research as well. As previously mentioned the lack of a widely accepted
formula for approaching diversity, whether conceptually or methodologically, makes it a
rather interesting concept. This, however, is a general observation regarding diversity and
does not account for its usefulness, and thus why it is necessary to develop a methodology, a
tool, which can be applied in certain television environments. Apart from that, the rationale
for conducting this research is found in the following fact: nowadays, the study of the
4
This is not only claimed by Iosifidis, it is a broadly accepted approach, adopted by researchers who study market concentration. More
specifically, it is a fundamental concept of Competition Law/Policy, where the geographic definition is quite frequently part of the broader
market definition (Office of Fair Trading, 2004).
39
diversity of content is more necessary than ever, since technological advances continuously
redefine television as a medium. Moreover, economic and market developments, the wider
economic crisis and social changes that consequently come about clearly affect the television
market and content. As will be discussed below, there are various additional factors associated
with diversity, such as the process of programming categorization, which are affected, for
instance, by technological advances and changes in television and which should affect
researchers operating in this field, as well as the production process, which is influenced by
economic developments and, consequently, affects the diversity of content. Furthermore, on a
social level, the assessment of the degree of diversity can be a useful tool, from the
perspective of the concept of viewpoint diversity, namely as to how the content incorporates
opinions reflected in society. Asides from categorization issues and the way they are linked to
diversity, it is also important for the assessment of diversity to be examined. This can allow
researchers to draw conclusions regarding content homogeneity or heterogeneity and to
explore how diversity can be used as a tool for the detection of content differentiation
between channels, which can be used as a tool for comparative content studies between
channels. In order for the process of television content assessment to be understood, the
parameters that make up the concept of diversity need to be clarified. What is essentially
assessed in this research and presented in the research queries that follow, is the way genres
form the degree of diversity, the way viewpoint diversity contributes to that primarily in
journalistic content and the extent to which source diversity co-shapes content. In other
words, an introspection of its conceptual approach is necessary, so that the elements that
constitute or that could constitute diversity are examined, leading to conclusions as to whether
diversity could be a useful tool for the assessment of television content and how it can
contribute to the broader study of television content. This need stems from the fact that, even
today, content diversity remains an abstract and quite often challenging issue. For instance,
when the types and genres of a particular programming schedule are assessed, does this mean
that, at the same time, the degree of content diversity and its total outflow is assessed?
Conversely, when content diversity is examined, what exactly is being examined? In addition,
when the production sources are studied, what is the effect that these have on the outflow of
the degree of content diversity? Towards this end, there is still no clear and commonly
accepted answer as to which elements ultimately constitute the concept of content diversity.
In this research, diversity is approached using empirical analyses and a multi-levelled study is
conducted, aiming, as much as possible, to examine the emergence of and then delineate all
the elements that can potentially compose the nucleus of an overall and complete study of
content diversity. In other words, a chain process is constructed using empirical approaches
for the study of diversity. In the fourth chapter, the methodological dimension of this process
is presented in detail. In chapters five, six, seven and eight, the empirical approach of this
research is analysed and applied, and in the conclusion, the process is summarized and
additional ideas are presented regarding future research and applications, as well as some
thoughts about possible limitations.
The point in question is, thus, not whether content diversity is a measurable concept or not
something that the above approaches clearly show but to study both aggregately and
separately the components that constitute diversity and the way they interact. For example, is
studying genre diversity enough for the researcher to draw conclusions regarding the degree
of diversity? What structures can construct a cohesive approach to content diversity? This
sort of clarification will allow researchers to obtain a complete understanding, firstly of the
40
way television diversity functions and consequently of the channels,
5
through which it can be
approached and assessed. In this research, we attempt to clarify the concept of diversity, as
well as consider it through the process of programming production and planning, by
employing empirical approaches which are analysed in the fourth chapter (methodology
chapter). The analysis of the way diversity is approached whether at an empirical or a
theoretical level is presented in detail in the third chapter, where several empirical
approaches are discussed.
The methodological approach to examining the diversity of television content faces
challenging issues in four areas: technology-based problems, methodology-based problems, a
multiplicity of players and application-based problems. These four axes constitute the basis
and framework behind the rationale of this research. These four axes underpin the
development of the process of assessing diversity that is suggested in this research, as well as
the whole discussion, both on the theoretical and empirical level. In other words, they
constitute the basis for conducting this study. The convergence of technology and the
development of new tools of communication make interpreting the concept of diversity
particularly difficult but at the same time more necessary than ever. Studies typically treat
television as the only medium and should move towards a broader technological spectrum
and examine digital and online forms of television content. By referring to methodological
problems, this research mainly focuses on programming type classification and categorization
procedures, which are discussed in detail below. These are partially associated as
mentioned before with technological advances in the field, an issue that is discussed in the
conclusion as well, with regard to future research in television. The absence of a common
formula for classification an issue that mostly arises from the different television
environments is a significant obstacle for methodological approaches to diversity. In
addition, the complexity of the concept causes further difficulties, mainly with regard to the
components and subcomponents that make diversity a methodologically measurable concept.
With regard to the multiplicity of players, the participation of many players in the process of
developing television content creates both extrinsic and intrinsic factors which obstruct the
formation of a solid policy that will ensure diversity of content. A typical example is the
production process and the way the bidirectional relationship between production companies
and channels affects at least to some extent the degree of diversity. Other players include
advertisers, who have their own role in the television industry. Finally, application-based
problems, which are a consequence of the above-mentioned issues, concern the different
application approaches used in different market contexts and more generally to different
nations, due to their distinct characteristics and particularities. Even if a study attempts to
come up with a common formula, focusing exclusively on small nations, they will also face
difficulties, since there are particular parameters with respect to each country, such as the
language and viewers' habits. As regards small nations, the discussion presented in the next
chapter approaches the issue from a theoretical perspective.
Picard (2001) in his project on the study of diversity in relation to the financial dimension of
content, distinguishes four, particularly interesting, strategic dimensions, which form the
outline of his research. These are the following: media structure and economics, media
strategies and operations, media content, and future media developments. The first dimension
media structure and economics is used by Picard (2001) to describe the media industry
and the structures and trends of the market, such as the factor of competition and the internal
financial issues faced by media companies. The second dimension deals with media conduct,
5
In this research, the term "channel" refers to a television channel, which broadcasts content structured into genres and programme zones to
the viewers. We are concerned with free-to-air television and not other types, such as pay television.
41
that is, it examines both the tendencies of the consuming audience and of employees in the
field of communications, while it also studies issues of cultural and public policy strategies.
Picard's third dimension deals with the content. More specifically, it studies the quantitative
and qualitative manifestation of content, and assesses the range of topics covered by the
media. Lastly, Picard discusses the future of his project and, in particular, he focuses on the
way future developments will affect the structures and the finances of the existing media, as
well as on the new opportunities that might be created and the problems that might be caused
by this influence on media content.
The dimensions that frame Picard's (2001) project differ from the axes that outline this
research, which focuses mainly on application issues with regard to the content and not on
studying or describing the field of media, although, as mentioned in the discussion about
small nations in the next chapter, in order for a methodological approach to diversity to be
possible, the field within which it will be applied should be understood. This is the reason
why, both in the theoretical and the empirical chapter, the discussion mainly revolves around
the aspect of applying diversity, such as programming categorization, which is an issue that
concerns the content and consequently the application of the methodology for the assessment
of the degree of the diversity of the content. The element of application-based problems is
developed along the same lines, because methodology is inextricably connected with
application. Furthermore, the factor of the multiplicity of players affects the methodology,
which in this research connects the various basic features that deal with content
production, from the source to the television receiver. Therefore, the relationships that are
formed between the players, who affect the whole process, are an important factor in this
research.
Based on the above axes that provide the basic framework for this study, the research
questions are divided into three levels and the case of Greek television is studied. The first
level of analysis focuses on programming genres and how these are formed within the context
of the programming schedule. The second level deals with viewpoint diversity in news
bulletins and the third studies source diversity, which is the production field. In the following
chapter, the issues with which this research is concerned are discussed; however, before that,
the three main research questions of the research should be recapitulated and divided into sub
questions:
1.
In what way is genre diversity formed within television programming and to what
degree do genres affect the outflow of diversity?
2.
Does the dimension through which viewpoint (opinion) diversity is assessed affect the
degree to which it affects the content?
3.
What are the factors that constitute source diversity and in what way does source
diversity affect the forming of total content diversity?
42
In promotion of ideas and opinions
Figure 1. 1:
Introduction diagram: The first stage of this research, before the analysis of the research questions,
divides the empirical research into three levels. Studying genres with regard to their scheduling; news coverage
and, lastly, production and the strategies adopted. The three research levels are presented in this diagram.
The above research questions, on their own, seem general and abstract, especially when
referring to diversity of content, since the researcher should firstly define this conceptually in
order to approach it methodologically. In other words, it is a concept which cannot be
addressed, unless the researcher clarifies which aspects of diversity he/she wishes to deal
with. For instance, assessing the degree of the diversity of content is a non-specific issue,
since the way diversity is assessed is also general and abstract. For this reason, the queries are
specified by sub questions that place this research within a research and methodological
framework. The first question, as to how genre diversity is developed in television
programming, contains three sub questions. Firstly, both the horizontal and vertical forming
of television programming in regard to genre outflow is studied; secondly, a comparative
analysis of the channels under examination, with respect to genre distribution, is conducted
and, finally, the correlation between domestic and foreign (imported) production is analysed.
The second main question of this research refers to viewpoint diversity and also consists of
three sub questions: Firstly, what does news coverage consist of? In other words, the question
examines the diversity of the range of topics in news bulletins. Secondly, in what manner and
to what extent are individual persons or groups and political parties represented in the
programming and, in particular, in the main news bulletins that this research examines?
Finally, the third sub question looks at the time spent (temporal distribution) on social issues
or the time spent on political issues, which is a comparative question and concerns the
development of viewpoint diversity, in the period before and after the economic crisis in
Greece. The study of the way time is distributed among topics or even people in the media is
a supporting feature for the assessment of diversity. Depending on the time provided to a
certain topic compared to the time spent on another topic, more accurate conclusions can be
drawn in regard to the actual degree of diversity of content in the news. Lastly, the third main
question, which deals with source diversity, looks specifically at the following parameters:
The relation between production companies and channels, namely, whether mergers occur,
the ratio of in-house productions to those assigned to production companies outside the
channel and the question also asks what part independent producers play in the broader
process of content production.
These questions are analysed with respect to their methodology in the fourth chapter of this
research. The methodological chapter is divided into three parts, as per the main research
Genres
·The scheduling of genres in the
programme and the degree of
broadcasting
Viewpoint
·Range of topics in the news in
relation to the promotion of
ideas and opinions
Productions
·Practices of production
companies and their
relationships with television
channels
Productions
43
question of this research. In the first part, the methodological approach to genre diversity is
explained, the second part deals with the methodological approach to viewpoint diversity and
the third part studies the methodological approach to source diversity.
Finally, we seek to conceptually define content, since it constitutes the nucleus of this
research. As was mentioned in the beginning of this chapter, content, like diversity, is a
complex and confusing concept and it can contain within it several aspects. When, for
example, we speak of television content, we are referring to what the viewer's perceive from
what they watch on their screen as content, namely the programming or the shows. However,
content is a broader concept and it incorporates various elements. For instance, one element
may refer to news content or the content of a part of a programme or a movie, even
advertisements are included in content. In this research, content is defined as the audio-visual
material that is produced by its source and is used by television channels for consumption by
viewers via their television receivers.
1.4.
Public and private television content in Greece
In order to understand television content, the institutional framework in which content is
produced and functions should firstly be explained. When, for instance, the cultural and
educational qualities of public television are discussed, we need to know from where these
concepts originate. They stem from specific institutions, which establish the boundaries of
content. Public televisions channels in Greece (ET1, NET, and ET3) are controlled
supervised and funded by the state and do not face sustainability problems. Consequently, at
least theoretically, they see the viewer as a receiver of several political, social and cultural
messages instead of a consumer (Karakostas, 2005). The principles imposed by article 15§2,
both in the previous and the reviewed constitution, regarding "the objective transmission, on
equal terms, of information and news reports, as well as of works of literature and art", are a
step in this direction.
Furthermore, television programming transmitted by ER-S.A. ought to be inspired by the
values of freedom, democracy, national independence, peace and friendship between nations,
and, simultaneously, they should be ruled by the principles of the objectivity, completeness
and topicality of the information provided, polyphony, a high quality of programming
broadcast, protection of the Greek language, respect for the value of individuals and their
privacy, and the protection and spreading of Greek culture and Greek traditions (Karakostas,
2000). However, according to arakostas (2005), the actions taken by public television with
regard to these principles have not always been successful.
Conversely, television programming is not only a cultural good, but is also a product to be
sold.
Consequently, the business men that control private television channels modify television
content in order to achieve the highest possible number of viewers and the highest possible
viewing ratings in return for the minimum of investment. For this reason, they often sacrifice
multiplicity, quality and polyphony for the sake of commercialization. In the second chapter,
the distinction between content as a business product or a public good is extensively
discussed.
The economic structure of the mass media affects content, since, according to the theory of
political economy, the way an industry provides for its income has an impact upon the type of
messages it produces. This means that if economic factors encourage the production of one
44
type of content to the detriment of another type, then it is certain that the media will produce
products that they deem most profitable (Albarran, 1996; Papathanassopoulos, 2005;
Demertzis, 2005).
Besides, it is obvious that before the advent of private television in Greece, the main element
that prevailed was information, while public television was also frequently used as a tool for
propaganda. However, with the advent of private television channels, the political television
model has been abandoned and television programming is now dominated by entertainment
and amusement. In other words, private television is driven almost exclusively by economic
concerns, something that did not happen with public television (Tsourvakas, 1996), despite
the fact that private companies are also subject to public regulation (Tsourvakas, 2003).
When submitting an application to the National Radio and Television Council to obtain a
license to operate a private television channel, the company has to state the main form and
content of its programming (Karakostas, 2000), since completeness of the programming is
one of the four criteria necessary for an operating licence to be granted or renewed.
In order to assess applicants, the already mentioned criterion of completeness of the
programming has to be fulfilled, for which the experience, knowledge and abilities of the
heads of programming, the abilities of the co-operators of the channel, the development of
programming as regards information, education and entertainment, and programming quality
(both for channels that target one of the above sectors or for one of the forms of word or art)
are taken into consideration. The channel should also abide by the codes of journalistic ethics
regarding programming and advertisements. Everything is assessed by the Council and
evaluated on a scale from one to ten (Karakostas, 2000).
Legal restrictions, as far as television programming is concerned, cover the following areas:
Works whose original language is Greek, and are broadcast by private channels and public
television should occupy a percentage larger than 25% of the total broadcasting time. This
broadcasting time does not include news programmes, sporting events, game shows,
advertisements or telexes services. Furthermore, for hearing-impaired people, television
channels have to include a news broadcast in sign language, the duration of which should be
at least five minutes long, and there should also be subtitles provided. At least once every
night there should also be an informative, entertaining or educational programme in sign
language for hearing-impaired viewers. The duration of such broadcasts should be at least
half an hour and there should also be subtitles provided. Finally, television channels have to
broadcast messages of social content free of charge every day, particularly programmes
related to health, welfare and care for disabled people. Their duration should be two minutes.
Programmes transmitted by television channels, especially news and programmes dealing
with political dialogue, should ensure political pluralism and present the opinions of different
political parties
6
for every issue under political debate. They also have to broadcast European
works, which should occupy at least 51% of the broadcasting time. For the correct application
of this article, European works are considered works that are produced in member states of
the European Union, works that are produced in third European States that participate in the
European Convention on Transfrontier Television of the Council of Europe and works that
are produced in third European third countries that meet the requirements of article 10 §4 of
the P.D. 100/2000.
6
Polyphony deals only with the parties represented in the Greek Parliament and the European Parliament, not all parties in general.
45
Furthermore, television channels should make sure that 10% of their yearly broadcasting time
is dedicated to works made by independent producers, as defined by article 10 of Law
2328/95. This percentage does not include news programmes, sporting events, advertising or
telemarketing messages (Article 10, §7 of the P.D. 100/2000.).
All versions of the constitution during the post-junta period established commercial
arrangements for all electronic media. Such arrangements are based on respect for different
opinions and the formation of public opinion (Karakostas, 2005). In other words, not only
public television channels but also private ones have a certain number of obligations or
conditions that they have to comply with in order to obtain an operating license (McQuail,
2003), even though such conditions may restrict their freedom.
Finally, it should be noted that when talking about any media market, the goal of content is
not exclusively to attract consumers but also advertisers who represent a component of the
economic system and wish to have access to consumers through the media (Doyle, 2002). It
is also mentioned that advertisers play a significant and increasing role in the formation of
media content (Herman and McChesney, 2001; Fortunato, 2005; Einstein, 2004).
Nevertheless, as far as television advertising and subsidies are concerned, the constitution of
2001 did not make any change to the existing provisions, which are based largely on
European legislation.
In light of these contextual considerations, the amendment to the constitution that took place
in 2001 seems not to have managed to lift freedom of communication on radio and television
to the level of a constitutional individual right that would be seen as part of the right to
freedom of speech and have the same standing as the freedom of the press. If the suggestion
made by the Constitutional Review Commission, which provided for the extension of
constitutional safe guards to deal with the press and other audio-visual products, had been
voted upon, private radio and television activity would have received the highest possible
constitutional protection. Furthermore, the current global tendency to minimize the
differences between different kinds of media would have been confirmed, not only at the
level of technological equipment, but also at the level of regulation.
According to Kiki (2003), "the freedom of expression and the freedom of information in their
active and passive version are unbreakable parts of audio-visual freedom. And it is certain
that only institutionally free audio-visual media can be the platform that can be used for
activities related to their role and mission such as expression and information. Thus, provided
that the freedom of expression rules constitutionally every activity related to audio-visual
media, according to the disposition of article 14 §1 of both the former and the revised version
of the constitution, the right to the freedom of information had to be clearly stated so that the
circle of the constitutionally protected activities related to the freedom of the audio-visual
media could be completed" (Kiki, 2003, p.126).
It was unfortunate that the revised version of the constitution did not abolish direct state
control over radio and television broadcasting. Moreover, the extension of the safeguards in
the field should have led to control being handed over to the NRTC. This supervision would
have dealt with licences, the content of rules on ethics, the protection of individuals and
respect for the dignity of citizens. Furthermore, the provisions of the revised version of the
constitution against the "conflicts", which were voted upon under very negative conditions,
reflect the suspicion and reticence of citizens and politicians towards conflicts among
statesmen and politicians, the capital and the media.
46
Whatever the circumstances, the smooth running of the media engenders the smooth running
of democracy. A coherent public policy should be formed again for the Greek communication
system. The conflict between constitutionally standardized and democratically controlled
political authority, and the various non-standardized influential forms, which finally became
a new authority, are crucial factors indicating the sufficiency and stability of contemporary
post-industrial democracies. A problem that every modern democracy has to face is the illicit
use of information media, whereby certain actors seeking to facilitate their commercial
activities (especially business dealings with the wider public sector) or aiming to exercise
specific influence, through content output, on public opinion in favour of particular parties,
persons, opinions, goals or situations at local, regional, national or international levels.
Those controlling electronic media formats, especially television, have obtained great and, in
many cases, uncontrollable financial power, influence over society and symbolic power, and
participate actively in the process of forming public opinion. They rule the public sphere
competitively, aiming to make a profit, and impose social and political awareness. These
multiple public functions that coexist and interact with each other and they are public not
through delegation prevail and stigmatize the constitutional right to freedom of radio and
television communication. They intermingle with it and commit to the exercise of this right,
which becomes greater immediately after its creation due to social responsibilities and
commitments that create functional restrictions.
Against the backdrop of this concept and because of the reasons stated above, the right to
television communication becomes a specific individual right that contains features of the
right to "participation in the social and political life of the country". This means that it is a
right to participate in the public formation of opinion and the will of citizens. Its wide social
and political importance, its definitive role in the formation and functioning of the public
sphere, the danger posed by its methods that threatens many constitutional rights and
interests, such as social, economic and ideological pluralism, the objectivity and
independence of the media from economic and political authority, the protection of
individuals and the privacy of the individual, as well as the protection of minors, are all
reasons that justify the vivid interest shown by society regarding the way in which this right
should be exercised.
The wide symbolic influence that electronic information media outlets have on the public
makes it imperative that their economic activity be ruled by regulations and ongoing public
oversight. Once again, the constitution has to design and establish these particular relations
between law and freedom, state and private initiative in every form of electronic
communication, always bearing in mind that, inevitably, the press, radio and television
should be treated similarly (Kiki, 1998).
It is obvious from the analysis presented in this chapter that each European country has
always approached and still approaches the reform of their radio and television systems in
different ways. As a result, the changes that took place in the European field of
communications during the late 1980s and the early 1990s did not occur evenly everywhere.
In addition, given significant cultural differences, the magnitude and features of European
media markets, as well as the differences among them with regard to their legal and
47
administrative traditions, there is no unique, common ruling model that could be considered
appropriate for every European country.
7
Every member state, Greece included, has to abide by the instructions given by the European
Union and relevant laws should be adapted to the new framework of the information society,
which includes the ongoing obligation to protect and promote polyphony through the mass
media. Considering that the proper functioning of democracy requires diversity of content
within the media, viewers should have many options and many different opportunities to
access different sources and voices of diversity. Moreover, considering that diversity can only
be promoted through transparency and (fair) competition, a way of constitutionally protecting
the existence of a free market of ideas within the media, which will create opportunities for a
new, creative and high quality type of content, should be found.
However, the way television should operate and the way it actually operates are two quite
different issues from an ideological perspective, and they can be interpreted in different ways
the process of selecting television content should be more democratic. This statement may
sound simplistic, yet it confirms that there is a huge gap between theory and practice.
In the following chapter, issues that are of concern for and outline this research are discussed
theoretically.
7
Media Diversity in Europe; report prepared by the AP-MD (Advisory Panel to CDMM on media concentrations, pluralism and diversity
questions), Strasbourg, December 2002.
48
CHAPTER TWO:
THEORETICAL DISCUSSION
In this chapter, the main issues that constitute the theoretical underpinnings of this research
are discussed. As previously mentioned in the introductory chapter, this research deals with
the concept of diversity with a methodological examination. Consequently, this framework is
of significance for the theoretical basis of the study. More specifically, institutional diversity
is discussed, as well as the case of small nations and the practical challenges of assessing
diversity in these countries. Furthermore, the issue of the programming strategies of different
channels is considered alongside a discussion of the policy aspect of diversity, in the context
of the perception of content as a public good. Finally, the concepts of viewpoint diversity and
people diversity are analysed and source diversity is discussed on a theoretical level.
2.1.Institutional diversity and conceptual delimitation
One of the issues discussed in the introductory chapter is that of delimiting the concept of
diversity so as to make it measurable. Institutional diversity is a concept which can help place
diversity within a specific framework for reasons that will be analysed below. The origin of
the concept of institutional diversity lies in institutional theory and analyses that deal with the
study and development of the functions of institutions. Institutions are the structural
components of a society and analysing them involves a number of parameters which can
describe their conditions, socio-political and historical contexts, and notions adequately
(Peters, 2005). Moreover, Aoki (1996) argues that market systems comprise various
institutional arrangements. The logical question here is how this issue relates to the present
study of the diversity of television content and, more generally, how institutional processes
affect the formation of media content: Institutional diversity in a theoretical setting requires
the management of a range of issues that may affect and form the character of the diversity of
the television landscape. The concepts of external (structural) and internal pluralism that were
analysed in the previous chapter are directly associated with institutional processes. For
instance, in the case of external pluralism, the market players and the number of outlets are
derivatives of the institutional nature of a specific country. In an authoritarian regime, for
example, where the institutional framework is regulated by military elite, the way external
pluralism is shaped will also be affected. As a direct consequence, internal pluralism, namely
the content,
8
will be formed accordingly. In other words, media organizations operate within
the institutional framework of the geographical area in which they are established. Tolbert and
Zucker (1996) analyse the different institutional structures within which various organizations
operate and they claim that the methodology concerning this issue is highly problematic, since
there are limited approaches that can be applied to assess institutional processes. Now let us
return to content diversity; from an institutional perspective, it is formed via three variables:
a) the legislative framework b) the socio-political context and c) the indicators used to assess
the policies and the legal tools which affect content.
Viewpoint diversity or opinion diversity, as it is also called, can be an indicator with which to
assess the broader institutional framework (the empirical approach of viewpoint diversity is
discussed below as well, where the way, in which viewpoint diversity is studied, is analysed).
Conversely, the institutional framework shapes the news and the circulation of ideas and
opinions in general. The IREX Index (International Research and Exchanges Board) assesses
the institutional framework within which independent media operate, using five axes: "1)
legal and social norms that protect and promote free speech...; 2) journalism that meets
8
Here, the author refers to the content of a single outlet. External pluralism refers to the content of the system as a whole. It could also be
discussed in parallel to external pluralism, since institutional diversity affects the structure of the televisual system, both with regard to
specific aspects and more broadly as a whole.
49
professional standards; 3) multiple news sources that provide citizens with reliable and
objective news; 4) independent media that are well-managed businesses, allowing editorial
independence; 5) supporting institutions that function in the professional interests of
independent media" (Becker, Vlad and Nusser, 2004, p.8). Although this specific indicator
focuses on the institutional diversity of journalistic practices, by taking a wide spectrum of
parameters (such as, inter alia, legal and social models, the professional character of
journalism, the multipurpose use of sources, the independence of editors from enterprises and
those institutions which support the interests of the independent media) into consideration, it
aims to give a clear picture of the level of independence of the media (Becker, Vlad and
Nusser, 2004).
Napoli, writing on institutional diversity, discusses the issue from the perspective of the
media organizations which produce content. Specifically, he argues: "This idea specifically
referred to the need for media organizations that operate under different funding models
(commercial, governmental, public/non-profit, etc.) under the assumption that the underlying
sources of economic support for media outlets have a significant bearing on how they go
about producing content" (2008, pers. Comm., 2 June).
One of the issues relating to institutional diversity that arose in this research is the issue of
diversity within the study of small nations, since content in these cases acquires particular
characteristics stemming from the particularities of small nations. In other words, the
geographical boundaries of a country lend specific attributes and particularities to media
content.
Iosifidis (1996) explains why it is useful to delineate markets and consequently their media
products within geographical boundaries. Specifically, the Iosifidis argues: "The definition of
the market-place can have an impact on what is perceived as its structure. The geographical
dimension of market definition determines the scope of the market that is, whether markets
are defined as being local, regional, national or even international" (p.645).
Examining the issue within the context of small nations is important in this research mainly
because of the fact that the empirical approach will focus on the case of Greece and will
examine how the study of content within small nations can be approached empirically or if
this approach could be applied in different television environments as well. Small nations
include, for instance, Greece, Cyprus, Malta and Luxembourg.
9
The important point in such
an analysis is by geographically clarifying the media product to illustrate the potential of
this product. This is what Iosifidis (1996) referred to above, namely that the geographical
definition of a product shows the target of a market and defines its structure as well. In other
words, Iosifidis means that it is through the geographical definition, that the possibilities of a
market become evident. Wildman (1995), for instance, referring to relationships between
large and small media markets, claims that it is customary for products to travel from large to
small markets. Wildman, in his essay, analyses the structures that exist in this relationship,
mostly of an economic nature, such as the size of the market with regard to the number of
viewers and the way the rate of consumption affects the numerical indexes of a television
production. He also analyses how the various features accorded to television productions as
long as they meet the basic requirements for exporting, such as language influence the
individual consumers, who can select from a wide variety of international sources, to watch
them. Picard (2002) mentions the following: "The requirements of the varying types of media
operations affect the forms and structures of media firms, as do the scale and scope of those
9
These countries are mentioned as examples in order to define this idea notionally.
50
operations. Because the needs of media differ and because the organizational requirements to
create media goods and services vary depending upon their markets, the sizes of media
organizations cover the range from small to large" (p.3).
In order to define the concept of a small nation, certain criteria and features should be
discussed, which have to do with media content and, with regard to this research in particular,
television content. The criteria used in this research to define the idea of `small nations' are
the size of the market (the geographical limits of the market), which is measured by
participation, and the proportion of the population in the media, that is the slice of the ratings
pie (as far as television is concerned) that corresponds to each channel. A typical feature of
these small markets is the difficulty they experience in developing a wide range of domestic
productions that cover multiple genres, since the market cannot consume them. Another
criterion for setting a notional context as regards small nations is the issue of language, which
is directly related to the construction and shaping of content diversity. Small nations have the
disadvantage of not being able to expand their media content, whether it is television content,
news-related content or content of any other type, unlike Anglophone countries that are able
to provide their content and services worldwide due to the internationalization of their
language. The case of CNN, which is aimed at a wide range of audiences, either through its
television broadcasting or through the internet due to its news portal, or the case of the BBC
or Australia's ABC, which place emphasis on the coverage of global news in order to
"internationalize" their services, are typical examples of this situation. Therefore, in the case
of small nations, the language factor limits their possibilities of exporting media products.
Wright (2007) deals with language policy and refers to English, for instance, as a lingua
franca. Another criterion used to approach the idea of a small nation notionally is the
establishment and development of the institutional framework of these countries through
time, meaning the historical and socio-political factors that affect the gradual progress of the
media and that of the shaping of content. Specifically, in the case of Greece, the procedures
that were used in order to manipulate the public radio and television broadcaster in an
unstable political climate, the course towards its deregulation, the role of the political parties
and the advent of private television with legislative and regulatory gaps, and the failure to
establish an independent regulatory body, have greatly affected television content. Finally, a
fourth criterion considered in the cases of small nations is what is called the centralization of
content. In small countries such as, for instance, Greece or smaller ones, such as Cyprus or
Malta, information is more controlled because the level of media concentration is high and
there is an excessive concentration of media ownership by conglomerates run by a small
group of businessmen. This is what the study on source diversity in Chapter 7 shows. The
result of the excessive concentration of media ownership by conglomerates is that
information is controlled by a small group of people and content is shaped according to their
own needs and interests. This trend, which is typical in small countries, is known as the
centralization of content, since production practices directly affect the content.
Iosifidis, Steemers and Wheeler (2005) refer to the issue of small territories, arguing that
small domestic markets are susceptible to the importing of expensive programming, such as
dramas, which adversely affects the development of public service television as well. The
authors discuss the issue of language and present some indicative examples: "Language is
also a factor. Austria, Ireland and Belgium have been affected by overspill broadcasts from
same-language neighbours, which can also be received on cable and satellite. In Portugal,
Greece, Scandinavia and the Netherlands, languages which are not widely spoken elsewhere
have provided a partial barrier to cultural domination by larger neighbours" (p.19).
51
The general conclusion of this discussion on the conceptual definition of the media market's
geographical delineation is that the market is not independent of content; on the contrary, the
content is affected by the market on many levels. The degree of content diversity is directly
associated with the individual features of the market, within which diversity is developed.
This will also be shown through this research's empirical analysis and its application to the
Greek case. Indicatively, the way in which the market affects genre diversity, the institutional
frameworks that lend extra features to the markets and the way they shape both journalistic
content diversity, that is, viewpoint diversity, and diversity at the production level will be
illustrated. It is particularly interesting to show how trends at the level of content production
are developed in a small country with limited exporting possibilities, such as Greece, and
how these trends affect and interact with the degree of content diversity.
2.2. Organizing television programming in line with business strategies
An empirical study by Altmeppen, Lantzsch and Will (2007), based on in-person interviews,
analyses the processes of producing, broadcasting and distributing television content
separately in each market field. In other words, it breaks the processes into segments from the
phase of the conception (creative) to the production, distribution and lastly to the "placement"
of the content in the channel's programming. Studying this process is significant, in order to
understand the channels of production, distribution and broadcasting, as well as the method
of planning and producing the content as a purely business choice. For instance, one type of
content based on a business choice is the "format", namely programmes with a flexible
structure and form, which due to this "flexibility" can be reproduced internationally, by
adjusting the language or by dubbing them, according to the country that they are going to be
broadcast in. Baltruschat (2009) uses the so-called talent or idol shows in her research as a
case study, as programming types that are based on franchising and argues that programmes
of this kind contain universal elements in their format, specifically so that they can be
"exportable" products and that they can be easily adjusted to match the characteristics and the
demographic traits of the audience to which they are addressed, without abandoning their
original pattern and philosophy.
A typical application of these strategies can be observed in the case of Cyprus, where the
television programming greatly depends on the programming of Greek television. The
distinctive business feature of these two cases lies in the fact that the Cypriot channels
(ANT1, MEGA) operate in Cyprus in a franchising form, since they use the same name and
branding as their respective Greek channels and they participate in their share capital. Even
though the basis of the programming remains the same, there are differences regarding local
productions and news bulletins, a policy which creates a mixed prime time zone with
productions from the holding (parent) channel and productions broadcast only on the Cypriot
version of the channel. Even though, in this research no comparison with other countries is
attempted, this particular case is presented here indicatively, as a typical example of a
franchise strategy that directly concerns Greek television.
Based on the above-mentioned examples, media-produced products the content that is
produced appear, from an economic perspective at least, to be quite peculiar compared to
other products. This peculiarity lies mainly in the way the product is consumed by the
audience or the readers, because it is a public good and not for immediate consumption.
These qualities affect the way content is formed and, as a consequence, the homogeneity of
content greatly depends on the tendencies of its consumption, which have to do with the
geographical, social and cultural framework within which it is consumed. Content
homogeneity is discussed below as it is directly associated with the issue of diversity. With
52
regard to the matter of the qualities held by the media product, namely the content, Olmsted
and Chang (2003) identify the following features: "First, media conglomerates offer dual,
complementary media products of content and distribution. Second, media conglomerates
rely on dual revenue sources from consumers and advertisers. Third, most media content
products are non-excludable and non depletable public goods whose consumption by one
individual does not interfere with its availability to another but adds to the scale economies in
production. Fourth, many media content products are marketed under a windowing process in
which a content such as a theatrical film is delivered to consumers via multiple outlets
sequentially in different time periods...Finally, media products are highly subjective to the
cultural preferences and existing communication infrastructure of each geographic market..."
(p.217). According to Doyle (2002), there are two different products as far as television
media are concerned: the television programming that is broadcast to the television receivers
of viewers and the television audience viewing that is measured and sold to advertisers. In
other words, there are two interdependent parameters which affect the degree of diversity,
which is how the programming is formed through the genres that constitute it, and which
illustrate simply the commercial perspective of the media. The paradox of the media lies, on
the one hand, in the fact that it is not destroyed once "consumed" and, on the other hand, in
the fact that, while initial production costs (first copy costs) are high, reproduction costs are
low, almost approaching zero. Therefore, the higher the number of viewers of a television
programming and the number of this programming's re-broadcasts, the higher the profit
margin of this product in the market. Obviously, this is a rather simplistic approach to the
rationale behind the media product. There are a number of issues, such as the case of content
franchising, which was mentioned before, and which is not a simple content reproduction, but
it is adjusted based on factors, such as the demographic features of the audience and the
trends of the target market. In such a discussion about content reproduction, the issue of
cultural policy, which is directly linked to content, appears as well. After all, content
franchising depends mainly on cultural elements, such as the language of the country that it is
targeted at. According to Hesmondhalgh and Pratt (2005), the importance of this discussion
emerges from the following: "It is important to realise that the idea that cultural or creative
industries might be regenerative was the result of changes in the cultural-industries landscape
which were themselves in part the product of cultural policy shifts when cultural policy is
understood in the wider sense, to include media and communications" (p.7). Doyle (2002),
referring to the cost of programming distinguishes between two parts: the cost of the producer
and the cost of the distributor (channel). The cost of the producer depends on the demand for
the content he produces, whereas the cost of the channel is directly linked to the ratings that a
programming schedule obtains, therefore this link has successive consequences on the
decisions that are made with respect to the programming schedule, as for example, whether it
will continue to be broadcast or in which programming zone it will be included.
The rationale behind the cost of production and the broader process, from the production to
the television screen, is based on market competition. This has to be mentioned, given that
the financial aspect of content is under discussion. Goettler and Shachar (2001) argue with
regard to the financial nature of programming strategies: "In information industries, such as
media and entertainment, the strategic choices are primarily nonmonetary product
characteristics. Analysis of competition in these industries is often complicated by the
presence of unobservable or difficult to measure product characteristics. For example, the
relevant attributes of television shows are not obvious" (p.3). Clearly, the issue that arises
from this discussion is that of competition and how content is affected within the competitive
television market.
53
Several economic research studies on this issue have identified that the higher the number of
television channels provided to viewers, the lower the number of the viewers that will watch
each one (Picard, 2001). Moreover, these research studies provide substantial and well-
grounded information regarding the reduction in demand for television programming that
accompanies an increase in supply (Picard, 2001). Specifically, Picard draws the conclusion
that oversupplying channels and programming leads to the fragmentation of the audience into
different suppliers (fragmented audiences), the reduction of the channels' economic gains and
a respective increase in competition (Picard, 2001).
The increase in competition can be largely considered "hyper competition". This term was
introduced by Richard D' Aveni as "an environment characterized by intense and fast
movements where the competitors must move fast so that they gain an advantage over their
rivals" (1994). Specifically, as regards the media, Jacobsson et al. define unreasonable
competition as "a market where supply outweighs demand, where a significant number of
productions show a loss and depend on external subsidies in order to survive" (2006).
Therefore, Jacobsson et al. emphasize the structure of the market, as opposed to D' Aveni,
who refers to the strategic behaviour of the participants.
In order to meet the needs of this research, we will focus on competition in connection with
the strategy that is followed by each television channel, especially regarding its
programming. This means that the structure of the market will not be dealt with regard to its
economic background, but with regard to the behaviour of the medium as far as its schedule
planning is concerned. The aim of this approach is to illustrate the strategy followed by
television channels regarding their programming under conditions of competition,
particularly if they are going to introduce certain innovations in their programming or, in
contrast, mimic others, in which case the overall television product turns out to be
homogeneous.
The structural theory of television programming suggests that the each channel's
programming strategy should aim to maximize its audience size and, consequently,
advertising profits (Webster and Wang, 1992). According to this logic, television channels
will provide types of programmes that gain the highest possible television audience share
figures, leading to a homogeneous result.
In a relevant research study, Gal-Or and Dukes (2003) use a model to prove that media
companies have no disincentive to reduce the homogeneity of their television programmes.
Dukes and Gal-Or (2003) consider media firm's decisions about the differentiation of
programming content and the amount of advertising, respectively. According to the authors,
when television channels differentiate products that they provide least of all, producers use
less advertising for this product, resulting in less informed consumers and higher profit
margins. In other words, when television channels launch homogeneous programmes, they do
not advertise them in a way that turns viewers off. Thus, they increase the opportunities for
high viewing figures and sell their advertising space more expensively, "muddying the
waters" for the viewers and advertisers and, simultaneously, trying to find a way to keep up
with the competitive environment of the media. The model of Gal-Or and Dukes (2003) is
based on an empirical research study between two channels (called "channels"), two
productions, two brand producers advertisers and the audience, who are also the
consumers of the products. The stages of this model are three-fold: first, each channel decides
on the structure of its programming; second, the channels negotiate with the producers on the
costs and prices of advertising, and the weight and importance that will be given to the
advertisements by the channels as the price of each brand is also defined, and, for the third
54
stage of the model, the study addresses the viewers, or consumers, and how they decide, for
instance, on the viewing hours of a channel or how they perceive, understand, use and
remember the information they are given about the products (Gal-Or and Dukes, 2003). This
model is related to diversity with regard to the process of schedule planning. In other words,
it examines factors, such as the advertisements, which affect schedule planning and
consequently the degree of diversity. This model however, could be applied differently in
other media markets, since it particularly addresses the US, as the authors note. This model
shows the tendencies of television policies in a competitive environment, with the goal of
maximizing revenues from advertising, an attitude that prevails in all markets. Beyond that,
every televisual system has its own features, such as the differentiation of programming
zones, which lead to the time shifting of the programming and can potentially affect some of
the model's variables.
By undertaking a secondary analysis of data gathered by the International Research and
Exchanges Board (IREX), Jacobson et al. (2006) draw the conclusion that media market
competition has little effect, sometimes negative, in the emerging media markets studied.
From the very beginning of their research, they argue that hyper-competition produces
journalistic products that do not serve society well. Nevertheless, they think that the fact that
many media companies compete for very limited resources is of crucial importance (2006).
Therefore, Jacobson et al. (2006) argue that competition forces media companies to provide
homogenized media content.
In addition, by analysing television homogenization from a strategic point of view, Van der
Wurff and Van Cuilenburg (2001) conclude that, up to a point, competition is productive, but
after that it leads to the homogenization of the television product. Therefore, the strategic
options of a television channel under the conditions of competition are either to focus on a
more specific market (niche), which is the case for digital television services, to raise their
game, by investing in new productions, or to follow the well-trodden path of offering
schedules similar to those of their competitors. The importance of this research thus, lies in
the finding that "catastrophic competition" is the basic cause of television content
homogeneity. It seems as well that, besides digital television, the niche policy is also used by
certain pay television channels, which target a specific television audience.
Following this school of thought, Michael Zhaoxu Yan and Yong Jin Park (2006) conducted
an empirical research study using a cross-sectional sample of 231 randomly selected
television channels, and concluded that programmes on television channels were
concentrated in a handful of types, mainly talk shows, news and daytime soaps. In addition,
their finding that market competition is inversely related to the diversity of programming type
is very important. In other words, Zhaoxu Yan and Jin Park argue that the more competitive a
market is, the more homogenized the television programming types will be. This means that
competition is inversely related to television programming diversity, which is the basic
premise of this chapter.
Therefore, considering the above research studies and analyses regarding television
programming diversity under conditions of competition, from a notional point of view,
content homogeneity is considered as a lack of diversity or low diversity in television
programming as far as the variety of genres are concerned, despite the increased number of
channels. However, homogeneity can be of different levels and intensity. The level of
homogeneity is defined through the relationship between the degree of content homogeneity
and the final output, which is defined as content diversity.
55
The forms of the level of the homogeneity of the content are summarized as follows,
according to the ways that it can be studied, classified and assessed:
1.
The homogeneity that concerns the horizontal and vertical analysis of a country's
television programming, which takes into consideration every type of
programming produced in each case. The types of programming are analysed
quantitatively, in order to calculate the percentage of homogeneity or
heterogeneity.
2.
Homogeneity which goes beyond the geographical frontiers of a country, where
the television programming of two or more countries may be compared, taking the
different programming types into account.
3.
Homogeneity in a specific programming type from different countries that is
subtitled or dubbed, such as television series like Friends and Sex the City.
4.
Homogeneity in a specific programming type from different countries that is
broadcast after the licensing rights to television series or soaps have been bought
as a franchise such as the soap opera Betty La Fea or reality shows like Big
Brother (see Chapter 7).
5.
Homogeneity in a specific programming type or in more than one programming
type, in different countries, by "mimicking" successful television series, mainly
American ones, where the scenario is strongly based on the original series. This
form of homogeneity is called mimetic homogeneity, a notion employed by
Benzoni and Bourreau (2001). Papathanassopoulos, with regard to the mimicking
techniques and referring to the case of Greek television, claims that the
programmers of Greek private television copied the American programming
model
10
(e.g., Lead in / lead out etc.) because it was the only one that existed
(2008, pers. Comm., 4 March). Papathanassopoulos refers, not to the production,
but to structural practices, basically a different concept. However, the difference
between production that is the content and structure is not an explicit one,
since, when a programming genre is scheduled in a specific time zone and the
same genre is broadcast at the same time in a competitive channel, then, apart
from the structure or the programming policies, there is also mimetic content, that
is productions of the same type. For example, when two channels broadcast a
police drama at the same time, then there is mimitism of content.
6.
Finally, homogeneity in a specific type of television channel occurs in cases
where the same television channel broadcasts a programming schedule in different
countries. MTV, for instance, is a music channel that produces programmes in
many different countries, which are adapted to the language and the local musical
tastes of each country. Nevertheless, a lot of MTV shows are the same worldwide
and some of them have worldwide popularity such as the reality show Pimp My
Ride. This kind of homogeneity can be observed in the so-called niche channels.
`One size fits all' policies, with regard to television content, are an issue related
both to diversity and to television scheduling policies. Anderson, Fornell and
Lehmann (1994), referring to the concept of `one size fits all' argue that: "...a
high market share or `one size fits all' strategy is likely to be profitable only if
10
Papathanassopoulos, by programming model, means the structuring (organization) of the programme, namely the scheduling; he is not
referring to the production of programmes or anything else (2008, pers. Comm., 4 March).
56
enough customers have similar preferences" (p.59). According to this statement,
content homogeneity, or the opposite, namely content diversity, greatly depends
on the audience's preferences, in order for a programming to be competitive and
profitable.
The six forms of content homogeneity are shown in the following analysis of homogeneity in
Greek television programming. Using the six points mentioned above it will be argued that
content homogeneity has neither a specific form nor can be defined by a specific framework.
In addition, homogeneity produces a respective degree of diversity. Homogeneity can have
multiple forms, though, which work in different environments accordingly. As will be seen
below, through the different studies presented in this research, content homogeneity in Greek
television takes the forms that were set out earlier. In addition, it will be noted that the degree
of diversity is the effect of these forms, which means that forms of content homogeneity and
the proximate causes of this homogeneity lead to the final degree of content diversity. Thus,
homogeneity and diversity are not two unrelated concepts; on the contrary, they work in
parallel and, as a mathematical equation, provide the final result.
2.3. Content as a policy objective: Qualities promoting public good
In the next chapter, the differences between the approaches that have a policy orientation and
those that emerge from taking a business perspective towards content are discussed, and
specific empirical approaches are analysed that follow one direction or the other. In this
subchapter, we attempt to employ a conceptual approach, within a theoretical framework, to
the idea of policy in contrast with business orientation with regard to diversity. The policy
approach is theoretically viewed through the concept of public good, since in order for a
public policy to be adopted with regard to an issue, this issue should be public in nature or at
least should somehow concern the public sphere.
In order to clearly understand the concept of policy relating to television content and perceive
content as a public good, the very notion of content should first be clarified. One problem that
appears frequently when referring to the study of media content is how content is defined.
The study of media content is determined based on the assessment of the degree of diversity
and intensity; with the intensity being interpreted as the quantitative and qualitative
classification of the content of genres. An accurate and comprehensive definition of the
conceptual aspect of content remains extremely challenging since it is a multidimensional
matter.
However, correlating content with the public sphere could be one means by which to provide
an interpretational dimension. According to Birkland (2010), the study of public policy is
important, since the researcher can use it to examine and offer a solution to public matters
and problems. Birkland (2010) associates the concept of public policy with the public sphere
and politics. Specifically, he argues that: "The study of public policy is generally considered
an important aspect of political science, so it's useful to start by asking, `What is politics?'.
One way to conceive of politics is as a process by which societies help figure out how to
organize and regulate themselves; that is, how to govern themselves. What makes this
`political' is its location in the public sphere, where decisions are made by the public to
address issues that affect people in communities" (p.4). By following this rationale that
Birkland develops with regard to politics and the public sphere, it is possible to discuss media
content, since content also directly affects social structures. Moreover, the public sphere or
the public arena is formed by the media and the role they have in a certain society. Therefore,
the question that arises as to the extent to which media content is a public good and not a
commercial product.
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