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8
List of Abbreviations
APG All Party Group
CiP Christians in Parliament
CoE Church of England
MP Member of Parliament
UK United Kingdom
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Abstract
This research paper aimed to find out the extent to which faith plays a part in the political decision
making of Christian MPs. The MPs who were used in this study were from Christians in Parliament
All Party Group. The desire to investigate this topic derives from a deep personal interest in politics,
combined with a sense of intrigue towards the influence of faith. Interviews took place with seven
MPs, in order to question them about the role of their Christian faith as they work within the
political arena. These interviews took place in London and consisted of nine questions, dealing with
three concise topics; the Christians in Parliament group, personal influences of faith and the future
of religion and politics. Amongst a great deal of interesting data, there were a number of key themes
that can be drawn from this research. Christian MPs have a unique pressure upon them which
derives from their faith and having to balance this in their job as a politician. In response to this
pressure, this paper has found that MPs are determined in their endeavours to keep the Christian
faith embedded in British society. Also, this paper has highlighted the great extent to which faith
impacts individual MPs decision making. Overall, this research has furthered understanding of the
impact of faith on Christian MPs and the extent to which this affects their decision making processes.
It has enabled us to recognise the constant conflict faced by Christian MPs. This research has also
raised awareness of the challenges for Christian members, whilst highlighting the debate regarding
the extent to which religion continues to play a part in politician's decision making. As well providing
a compelling insight, this work is a platform for deeper research into this area of study.
10
Introduction
Alastair Campbell famously declared `we don't do God' (Brown, C. 2003), which raised an
interesting point which this piece of research will build on. That is, should politicians `do God', or
should a personal faith and policy making, be kept well away from one another. At a time where the
objection towards the Christian faith is prominent and Christians across Britain are expressing
feelings of resistance towards them, it is important for us to understand how faith impacts those in
the most responsible of positions within British society.
This research provides a unique insight into the lives of seven Christian Members of Parliament
(MPs) who are each responsible for representing various constituencies across Britain. Using primary
data gained through interviewing each MP, this paper investigates the role their individual faith has
on their political decision making. This is achieved by asking MPs various questions regarding the
influence of their faith, both upon themselves, and also on British politics. A number of key areas are
debated, including; reconciling faith and politics, political conflict and representing the Christian
faith. Further understanding the position of these Christian members, will enable us to learn more
about how they are treated, as well as realising their vision for Christianity in the future. Prior to this
study, research in to this area of British politics specifically, appears extremely limited. This works
major contribution is to illustrate how Christian MPs manage their political ideology, whilst
maintaining a Christian faith.
In a recent challenge on David Cameron, former Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Carey has suggested,
the Prime Minister was making Christians in the UK feel marginalised. Further to this, Lord Carey
highlighted the fact that, `more than two thirds of Christians feel that they are part of a persecuted
minority' (BBC News Online, 2013). Lord Carey's analysis is a continuing concern not just for
Christians, but also to all those who strive for equality in the UK. The picture he paints is one of a
discriminatory society, something which is not normally used to describe 21st century Great Britain.
As well as bringing into question the notion that `the agendas of the Christian Church and the
political right wing make comfortable bed fellows' (Andrew Zak Williams, 2011), Lord Carey has also
stirred the ongoing conflict between faith and politics in Britain. Increasingly Christianity and politics
are clashing, causing the debate about the role of the Christian faith in society to be reignited. This
research provides an intriguing insight into the lives of seven Christians who have chosen their
pathway, and now have to deal with the challenges that confront them.
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Research questions
This dissertation asks the following questions:
1.
What is Christians in Parliament (CiP) and what capacity does it have to influence British politics
and society?
2.
`How do faith and politics combine within British politics today?' answered from the
perspectives of members of CiP.
3.
What are the prospects for the relationship between politics and religion in Britain? Will MPs
who actively represent their religion as well as their politics, be able to continue to do so in the
future?
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Methodology
This chapter deals with the research design and research process of this paper. The study
itself uses the interview method in order to learn from seven MPs, the extent to which their religious
belief plays a part in their political decision making. Specifically, this research utilises elite
interviewing which `can be used whenever it is appropriate to treat a respondent as an expert about
the topic in hand' (Leech, 2002, p663). This analysis applies to this work because MPs were regarded
as experts in the field of `faith and political decision making'. They were treated as experts because
of, as Burnham et al (2008 p231) suggests, `their high levels of knowledge of the subject matter
under discussion and their general intellectual and expressive abilities'. The fact they were all
Christian and also involved in politics, meant they satisfied Burnham's criteria.
The MPs who took part in this research fitted the two important criteria, one they are politicians and
secondly they are also active Christians. However, calling themselves a `Christian' was not enough to
satisfy the requirements of this study. In order to focus my research, the participants who took part
were members of the Christians in Parliament All Party Group, which ensured that they were all
practicing their faith. In recruiting my participants, the non random sampling method was applied.
This was the most obvious method of inclusion, considering that my participants were all from one
specific group. In the process of gaining interviews, all members of CiP were contacted in order to
gain as much access to the group as possible. Initially, a total of five interviews were held and four
months later, two further interviews were conducted. The seven interviewees represented each of
the three major political parties; three Labour MPs, three Conservative MPs and one Liberal
Democrat member. Although not a vital aspect to this study, a cross political party representation in
this work, provided a broader insight.
The purpose of Christians in Parliament (CiP) All Party Group is, `to provide an opportunity for
Christians of all denominations to come together at the Palace of Westminster for fellowship,
worship, prayer and discussion' (Houses of Commons, 2013). The role of All Party Groups (APGs) is
described in a standard note written by Kelly and Yousaf (2012) who explain, they `fulfil a valuable
role as a forum in which Members of both Houses and those outside parliament interested in a
particular subject may meet to exchange information and views, and to advocate a particular cause'.
With regard to CiP, the `subject' which they come together to discuss is Christianity and all that it
entails within parliament and in British society. One restriction on the registration of APGs is `the
need to provide exactly 20 qualifying members' (Kelly and Yousaf 2012). As well as this, membership
must be made up of, `10 who are from the same political parties of the government and 10 who are
not from the government party. At least 6 of the latter 10 must be from the main opposition party.
No group's register entry lists more than 20 qualifying members' (House of Commons, 2012). CiP
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meet these criteria and they also have a large group of APG officers. This gives MPs and Members of
the House of Lords, the opportunity to be involved at a higher more influential level. For example,
CiP has one chairman, four vice chairs, one treasurer and a secretary, which makes up the
membership of the group (Houses of Commons 2013).
The interviews themselves took place in a range of locations within the Palace of Westminster. It has
been suggested that, `the place of the interview should be convenient to the participant, private, yet
if at all possible, familiar to him or her' (Seidman 1991 p40). Realistically, the interviews had to be
conducted first hand within London, at both Portcullis House and The Houses of Parliament. Three
interviews took place in the personal office of each MP, three in the café area of Portcullis House
and one in a seating area of the House of Commons. Gillhams (2000, p8) position on interview
location, is that people talk more freely `on their own ground'; and this analysis can be related to my
research. One interview which was held in a public area was shorter in time and largely, answers
were much more concise than those held in private offices. Further to this, it is important to note
that the subject of the interview may have played a role in the openness of my participants. Adler
and Adler (2002, p.528) argue, `the subject of the interview should be the determining factor in
terms of location'. Because a number of the interview questions were personal, and dealt with what
could be perceived as sensitive issues, the more private my interview location, the more likely my
participants would answer honestly and freely. Overall, the location of each interview was
determined by the demands and requirements of each MP. It was my responsibility to work and
adapt to each individual situation. This meant altering recording levels in the louder locations to
ensure a good quality soundtrack, as well as dealing with unexpected interruptions during interviews
held in MPs offices.
The analysis of interview data must be done quickly to ensure accuracy; the interviews for this piece
of research were both recorded and transcribed. As Burnham et al (2008 p245) suggest, `the
researcher should read through the notes taken or listen to the tape as soon as possible'. Such
advice was followed and the transcription process was completed within two weeks of the
interviews taking place. This applied to interviews that took place in October 2012 and those
conducted later on in March 2013. As well ensuring the interviews were transcribed as accurately as
possible, as Harrison (2001 p.102) highlights, `the transcription process for me proved crucial in that
it allowed me to get familiar with my data by milling over them time and time again'. Although a
long winded process, the transcribing of my interviews enabled me to gain a greater knowledge of
the data at hand.
Although a valuable process to the individual and whilst enhancing the research paper itself, the
transcription process raises certain ethical complications. Brinkmann (2010, p435) suggests `the
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process of translating spoken words into written text is in itself an ethical question and demands
reflection about confidentiality'. By carefully constructing the process in which the data was
analysed, any serious ethical concerns within this piece of research were diminished. For example,
personally transcribing each interview limited the threat of private information being shared
amongst others. Although more confidential, not employing a professional transcriber raised the
chance of human error occurring within the transcriptions themselves. This was overcome by
informing the interviewees that the data may be used within the published piece of work. Each MP
was offered the opportunity to re read the transcripts or be informed of the specific data which
would be used, none accepted this invitation. This vetting process ensured adherence to strict
confidentiality regulations in line with the University of Lincoln ethnical guidelines, whilst also
respecting the position of the MPs themselves.
The purpose of interviewing each individual MP was to develop a greater understanding of how
members of CiP handle their religious belief. In order to achieve this aim, a research questionnaire
was designed which comprised of three individual sections. The first section aimed to gather a
general understanding of the CiP group, whilst also learning the role which each individual member
holds within it. In this initial section, members were encouraged to explain; what impact do you
think CiP has had on yourself and on British Politics? This required respondents to offer an insight
into the goings on of CiP and share their thoughts on its influence politically, and personally. The
three initial questions were fairly basic and simply aimed to gain an understanding of the structure
and practices of the CiP group. They also provided a simplistic and relaxed start to the interview,
which allowed me as the interviewer to establish the connection with my interviewee.
Having gained an understanding of what CiP is and how it functions, MPs were then asked about
their faith and how they manage it whilst being a politician. There was no intention throughout the
interview to catch any MP out; instead there was a desire to gain a greater understanding of what is
a relatively un researched area of political study. Within this section of questions, MPs were asked;
do you feel that you represent your faith in parliament? It was hoped that this question would
provide the greatest insight into the political decision making processes of each MP, which would
address the major research question. In the middle section of the interview, MPs were also
encouraged to share any examples where political conflict had occurred.
In addition to the three questions on the current state of religion and British politics, MPs were then
further questioned about the future. This section sought to address the developing issue of the role
of religion in British politics going forward. The MPs who were questioned in this research were
deemed to be some of the best and most suitable people to ask about this topic. Throughout each
interview, all respondents were encouraged to speak openly and to reflect on their own position, as
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well as the position of Christianity within British Politics. Structurally, the questions aimed to draw as
much information out as possible, by allowing each MP to answer openly. It has been suggested by
academics, `broad initiating questions encourage the conversational partners to provide in an
unfiltered way, their own take on an issue and as such often evoke unexpected themes' (H, Rubin &
I, Rubin 2005). In this latter section, MPs were encouraged to offer their vision for the future from
their unique perspective as a Christian MP.
Having discussed the methods used to both retrieve and analyse the research of this paper, as well
as gaining a further understanding of the role of All Party Groups, this work will now continue to
discuss the relevant literature to this study.
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Literature Review
Literature surrounding the role of Christian MPs in British politics is extremely limited; it is
this research which is providing the initial insight into this area of study. This work however, deals
with a number of wider themes which will be reviewed in this section of this paper. These themes
are; the history of faith in Britain to date, the influence of faith on politics and why people get
involved in politics.
Christianity has had an outstanding influence on British society throughout history. Many early
Christian opponents of slavery came from denominations such as the Congregationalists, Quakers,
Presbyterians, Methodists and Baptists (BBC Online, 2011). The Evangelical Christian movement
provided a basis for societal change in Britain. The campaigning of Wilberforce, a passionate
Evangelical, was the catalyst for the abolition of the slave trade. As well as this, William Wilberforce
amongst other comrades `worked with the poor ... worked to establish educational reform, prison
reform, health care reform and to limit the number of hours children were required to work in
factories' (BBC Online, 2011). Christianity has been the catalyst for major change and is largely
responsible for the Britain we know today.
Much like America, the major religion in Britain is Christianity; 10% of British people attend church
regularly, with attendance more common among women and middle class people. Although the
number of people who call themselves `religious' is down, church attendance is growing in some
urban areas, particularly among Black led and Pentecostal churches (Dingham A & Lowndes V, 2008
p819). Whilst congregations in general are declining, the involvement of faith is still very real within
British Culture. This said, political parties are increasingly under pressure to represent everybody,
and are unable to simply promote and support one singular religion. In September of 2012, `the
Prime Minister appointed Baroness (Sayeeda) Warsi Minister for Faith and Communities' (The
Tablet, 2012). A sign that faith is being taken more seriously within British culture and those `people
of faith' now have a representative within Parliament. Although some say `the agendas of the
Christian Church and the political right wing make comfortable bed fellows' (Andrew Zak Williams,
2011), the challenges for Christians under the Coalition Government are proving increasingly
difficult. An obvious example is that of Nadia Eweida, who was told to stop wearing her cross at
work, a case she later won in the European Court of Human Rights (BBC Online, 2013). Going
forward, Newman (2013, p22) has suggested, `for freedom of speech and religion in general -- the
future remains far from certain'. What is noticeable within the media is that there is a sense
Christianity is being portrayed negatively, and many seem sceptical about its future role within
Britain.
17
As has been discussed, historically, Christianity has had a huge impact on British society and its
culture. Currently, the influence of Christianity is rarely seen in great reforms by Christian politicians
and more often within campaigns and the work of the Church within communities. Although this
good work continues, there is an ongoing debate within British politics, which is whether political
parties should `do God'. Polly Toynbee the former president of the British Humanist Association has
offered her opinion suggesting, `atheists are better for politics than believers' (Toynbee, P 2012
p42). Whilst you may expect political parties to be distancing themselves from religious debates, this
has not been the case according to Therese O'Toole. In her research into the current state of faith in
Britain she highlights, `what we have seen under both New Labour and the Coalition is a gradual
move to take religious identities and faith communities more seriously' (O' Toole, T, 2012). The work
of faith groups is the most obvious example of religious group's practical engagement in British
society. With regards to faith and political engagement, Home Office (2004) research concludes,
`those who actively practice a religion, are more likely than others to volunteer. The same pattern
can be seen in terms of civic engagement ... including participation in consultations, lobbying and
involvement in decision making bodies'. There is a clear continuing and influential involvement of
faith based groups within Britain. As Dingham and Lowndes (2008 p828) highlight, `through their
representatives on urban partnerships, members of faith communities are enabled to participate in
the planning and delivery of urban services from consultation to co governance'. The influence on
British society by members of faith groups is very significant and their impact continues to be
acknowledged by the British Government.
Faith groups also have a role to play in representing minor aspects of society. As Dingham and
Lowndes (2008 p838) suggest, `the local Church of England Vicar may be the only community
representative left on a rundown housing estate'. This example is part of a wider feeling that faith
based organisations are trusted by people who would not trust, and would not approach, or even
think of going to another voluntary organization. As well providing community representation, `faith
communities represent a significant element of diversity--both by virtue of straight forward variety
of faiths and because of the overlap between faith and ethnic or cultural identity' (New Deal for
Communities 2000, 6). The research into the importance of faith clearly shows that it still plays an
influential role within British society.
The research into religious belief and political participation is one which should also be analysed
with reference to this work. Research typically shows a positive, significant role for church
attendance on voting participation (Peterson, Steven A. 1992). Further to this, Driskell et al (2008, p
294) conducted a piece of research into this area which interestingly found, `religious beliefs are
significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a
religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political
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participation'. This research shows that those who engage and live an active faith are more likely to
be politically active.
One of the most obvious reasons why anyone, let alone Christians get involved in politics is to
represent. Hanna Pitkin (1967) has provided the major insight into the varying aspects of
representation. Her work discusses the concepts of representation; formalistic, symbolic, descriptive
and substantive. Pitkin's (1967, p39) idea of formalistic representation is that, `there can be no such
thing as representing well or badly; either he represents or he does not'. In relation to this research,
this analysis suggests that once someone becomes an MP they may do what they like and this must
be judged as representation. Pitkin also provides an insight regarding the concept of substantive or
descriptive representation. That is, `acting for others, an activity in behalf of, in the interest of, as the
agent of, someone else' (Pitkin 1967, p113). This concept can be related to the idea of an MP as they
actively represent their constituents. With regard to `symbolic representation' studies by the Royal
Commission have offered an insight into the role of faith and representation. The Royal Commission
stress the importance of supplying representation, `to each broad shade of religious opinion' (Royal
Commission 2000, p 153). In their investigation into a `More Representative Chamber', Bochel and
Defty (2012), discuss the role of faith members of the House of Lords. They explain, `the clearest
examples of peers being aware of their symbolic role were provided by the Bishops ... describing
themselves as representatives of `the monarch of under God' and `office holders for God' (Bochel &
Defty 2012, p 88). Although this research was conducted on members of the House of Lords, a
similar position on representativeness with regard to MPs will be highlighted later in this research
paper.
In recent times, `communication between MPs and electors became more extensive in the latter half
of the twentieth century as demands on MPs increased' (Norton, P. 2007, p 354). There is a need for
MPs now more than ever, to ensure their constituents feel satisfied by the work they are doing.
However, this provides a complication for Christian MPs, how can they represent everybody when
their faith is a factor in their politics? Stephen Hunt (2013) has suggested in his work that `religion
should distance itself from the political realm and restrict itself to spiritual and pastoral matters.
Conversely, that politics should not meddle in religious affairs largely because religion is deemed a
matter of private conscience and conviction'. Christian MPs are in a unique position where they
have to manage this constant conflict of religion and politics. With regard to conscience as Hunt
(2013) mentions, Phillip Cowley offers an insight into this topic and highlights the importance of it
within British politics.
Cowley's work into issues of conscience has provided an insight into their importance within the
Houses of Commons (Cowley, P. 1998, p85). He suggests in his work, that conscience `are issues of
great significance to those directly or indirectly affected, and (perhaps as a consequence) on which
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people tend to hold very strong views' (Cowley, P. 1998, p75). With regard to this work, Cowley's
research highlights the importance of conscience votes and the influence they have had in British
society in the past, and will continue to have in the future. They give the opportunity for members to
vote according to their personal belief, but as this research will highlight, even on issues which are
not declared free votes, this is still happening through members of CiP. Although things such as
representation are seen as a motivation to get involved in politics, this has its complications,
especially for Christian MPs. Christians in Parliament is an established All Party Group and they
`sometimes act as useful pressure groups for specific causes helping to keep the government, the
opposition and MPs informed of parliamentary and outside opinion' (Loosemore, T, 2013). This
however is not as easy as anticipated, and CiPs research itself has concluded, `in seeking to clear the
ground for issues relating to Christian freedoms in the UK, we have concluded that there is a
problem' (Evangelical Alliance, Feb 2012).
There is an obvious gap in the research into the topic of the decision making of faith members in
parliament, and this research seeks to explore this area. Although this is the case, relevant subject
literature does exist and has been put forward in this section of analysis. Within this chapter I have
provided an insight into the role which the Christian faith has had, and continues to have in British
politics. This is important to understand, as the state of Christianity in Britain directly affects the way
in which Christian MPs must approach their work. This chapter has provided an insight into the
issues which Christian MPs must deal with, such as representation and conscience decisions. This
work will now go on to present three intriguing chapters of evidence, gained through interviewing
seven members of CiP.
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The Christians in Parliament group
The first section of analysis in this research paper, deals with the Christians in Parliament All
Party Group. All MPs were asked three questions in reference to the CiP group; the aim was to
discover more about the group itself, whilst also understanding the impact it has had on each MP
individually.
What is Christians in Parliament?
Each interview began with the question; could you tell me a little about the CIP group? This
open ended question simply aimed to develop a basic understanding of CiP, from the people who
are part of it. The role of CiP was summed up briefly by a one interviewee, who explained,
`we don't do anything in the way of lobbying for particular laws to be done in different
ways. Very much it is a kind of fellowship group' (Interview 6, Liberal Democrat MP
Conducted 13
th
March 2013).
This interviewee's analysis of CiP suggests that it is more of a social type of group as opposed to a
group which strives for any political change. CiP are responsible for holding a number of social
events for members of the group, as well as associates of the Christian Church. An example of one of
these large scale events is as one MP explained,
`the National Prayer Breakfast ... we invite local church leaders from constituencies but
also all the diplomatic representatives are invited to come and they take the subjects'
(Interview 2, Conservative MP , Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
It appears the breakfast event is extremely popular and creates the link between Christians who
influence British politics, and those Christians who work within their local communities. It is a great
opportunity to get all Christians together, however there is no political agenda at these events.
The supportive role of CiP is an aspect of the group which is held in high regard by its members. Also,
its ability to gather together Christians from both within and outside politics is a positive feature of
the group. However, what is seen as more important than both of these two roles of CiP, is the
significance of the Christian faith. One member emphasized the importance of Christianity and
explained how he sees CiP as a mechanism to promote his faith within British politics. He explained,
the aim of CiP is
`to make sure that Christianity and the Christian faith is not lost' (Interview 5, Labour MP,
Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
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He also explained how CiP,
`try and keep the Christian faith strong in parliament and politics' (Interview 5, Labour MP,
Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
These two quotes are a clear example of the personal desire of this MP, and shows that his
motivation within politics is largely initiated by his Christian faith. There is an undoubted belief from
this member, that Christianity has something very influential to offer the British political system and
also wider society. Such a strong religious ethos stems from each MPs individual personality and the
influence they allow their faith to have. Interestingly, in response to this first interview question, one
member explained,
`I wouldn't be in politics if I didn't have a faith' (Interview 1, Labour MP, Conducted 17
th
October 2012).
This statement confirms the perspective with which this MP approaches his job; it suggests that he
puts his faith first ahead of any political ideology and it is this which is the real interest of this
research. In the following chapters of this paper, the extent to which faith plays a part in each MPs
decision making processes will be examined.
Joining Christians in Parliament
With regards to membership of the CiP group, I asked all MPs, `how did you come to join
CiP?' The purpose of this question was to gain an understanding regarding the logistics of joining the
group and to also further understand the motivation to becoming a member of CiP. Like most, a
Conservative member said that joining the group,
`was a very natural thing for me to do' (Interview 7, Labour MP, Conducted 13
th
March
2013).
Already being a Christian was the key motivation to join CiP for most members of the group. As well
as this, the opportunity to work with fellow Christian MPs and meet with them regularly seems the
obvious thing to do as a Christian Member of Parliament. Together they have the opportunity make
an impact in certain areas of politics, whereas by themselves, they may not have such an impact.
In a further answer to this question, a Labour member interestingly created a differentiation
between Christian MPs, he said,
`there are those who are MPs and they also happen to be Christians but realistically it is
probably not a major influence in the way they think about what they are doing here. And
22
then there are MPs who very clearly would say their faith is what has brought them here.
So that is quite a loaded set of terms but I would quite clearly say that I am in the second
category' (Interview 1, Labour MP, Conducted October 17
th
2012).
Although not completely relevant to the interview question, this intriguing analysis still requires
further discussion. This MP is suggesting that there are those who put their faith first, and those who
instead, consciously decide to leave faith on the sideline as they go about their work within politics.
He distinguishes himself as part of the group of Christian MPs who put their faith first. His analysis
suggests, the amount of influence the Christian faith has on some MPs in parliament, is greater than
others. This raises a number of questions regarding the extent to which individual faith influences
political decisions; this is something which is further examined later on in the analytical section of
this research paper.
The Impact of Christians in Parliament
What can be drawn from these initial interview questions is that there seems to be two
specific roles that CiP is able to play. On one hand it appears to play what could be called an
influential support role, one MP for example suggested that,
`we can be stronger united together than on our own' (Interview 3, Conservative MP,
Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
Another said, as a group they
`seek to strengthen and encourage one another' also adding, `we seek to develop
friendships between us that will help us support each other and pray for each other'
(Interview 2, Conservative MP, Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
Undoubtedly, it appears that there is a strong sense of community within CiP and as a group they
value the support which can be offered by one another. That is one role; although useful, it does
little in the way of instigating any particular political change. On the other hand however, CiP does
also seek to work strategically on specific projects in order to bring about some sort of change. One
MP summarised this role of CiP saying,
`across party we have been really looking at the issues, to try and get some light where
sometimes there is just heat, on some issues Christians have been complaining about, and
to make recommendations to Government and others, that has been useful and had some
effect' (Interview 1, Labour MP, Conducted 17
th
October 2012).
23
In this research there were two major examples offered by MPs, of the strategic work that has been
done by CiP. Firstly, a Conservative member of CiP explained how
`it (CiP) has recently developed an inquiry into the issue of whether Christians are
marginalised in the public square' (Interview 3, Conservative MP, Conducted 16
th
October
2012).
The report was published by the Evangelical Alliance and summarised, `we have concluded that
there is a problem. Ranging in their intensity and complexity, the problems can all be seen to
contribute to a gentle squeezing of religious belief, and in this case specifically Christianity, from
public life' (Evangelical Alliance, 2012). As well as the aforementioned report, another example of
the strategic work by CiP was given by a further Conservative MP. He explained,
`I've just helped complete a report for an inquiry into persecutions of Christians in Iran.
Which again is seeking to persuade the Government to take seriously the issues and to
work with the international community to raise the plight of Christians who are
persecuted abroad' (Interview 3, Conservative MP, Conducted 16
th
October 2012).
Work such as this will not necessarily result in a change of policy, however; it does go some way to
highlighting issues which may go unnoticed by the Government. These two examples show the more
influential side to CiP, that it's a group which has the capacity to conduct excellent research and help
raise awareness of issues that concern Christians specifically. CiP functions for Christians, in a similar
way as MPs do for their constituents. It recognises a concern highlighted by Christians in the UK and
provides the link to parliament, which may well result in political change.
The purpose of questioning each MP about the role of CiP and what it means to them was to
develop an understanding of the group, as well as initially review the impact the group has on their
political decision making. As far as administering change is concerned, one Labour MP summed up
the impact of CiP as,
`It's small, it's not strategic' (Interview 1, Labour MP, Conducted 17
th
October 2012).
This opinion was reflected by other MPs, who see CiP as more of a team building group who all work
within politics, as opposed to being a force for political change. It is important to highlight that CiP is
a cross party group and the likelihood of political agreement on many issues is extremely unlikely.
There are those certain issues however, like the welfare of Christians in the UK and the persecution
of Christians in Iran, which can be investigated whilst political alliances are left to one side. In those
cases specifically, the examples above show that CiP seems to work well and provides an educated
insight into these key issues. Therefore, although CiP has acted on certain problems in recent years
24
in an attempt to raise political awareness, it appears that it is likely to remain largely supportive as
opposed to strategic. This paper will now move on to discuss the answers given by MPs to the
questions regarding the combination of faith and politics, and the effect of this upon them as
individuals.
When Faith and Politics combine
Having concluded that CiP operates in more of a supportive role as opposed to being
politically strategic, this work will now move on to investigate how MPs manage their lives as
politicians of faith. The questions themselves focused on three different areas, the first was about
reconciling being a Christian and a politician. I wanted to understand whether this was an issue, and
if so, how they manage their faith whilst being an MP. Secondly, I asked members whether they felt
able to represent their faith in parliament or instead, did they feel constrained in doing so. The final
question asked members whether their faith had ever caused any conflict to arise, which had
compromised their political position.
Reconciling being a Christian and Politician
Moving on from the questions related to CiP and its role and influence within British politics,
I asked MPs, `do you find it difficult to reconcile being a politician and a Christian?' This question was
constructed in order to challenge each MP to reveal a little more about how they manage their faith
and political life. In no way was it aiming to catch any MP out, instead this question intended to
gather opinions on what is an intriguing and largely unknown topic. The question itself resulted in a
number of varying and interesting answers which this paper will now go on to discuss.
When asked whether each MP found it difficult to reconcile being a politician and a Christian, the
majority responded saying they did not find it difficult. One MP replied saying, `Not at all' (Interview
2, Conservative MP, Conducted 17
th
October 2012), another `No. I don't think it is hard to reconcile'
(Interview 3, Conservative MP, Conducted 16
th
October 2012). However, this opinion was not
echoed throughout all of my interviews. A Labour member and interestingly the youngest MP, which
may say something about the difficulties facing young religious members specifically, answered `Yes'
to this question. He continued, suggesting that because he found it hard to be a politician and
Christian, this was not `a unique factor ... I think it is very hard to be a politician and anything'
(Interview 1, Labour MP, Conducted 17
th
October 2012). This answer suggested to me that he was
someone who feels the pressure of managing his faith; however he did not feel that this was a
problem unique to him. This is an interesting point, considering all other members suggested they
did not have a problem reconciling the two issues.
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- , 2014, Faith and Politics: An Investigation into Christian MPs in Britain, Hamburg, Bedey Media GmbH, https://www.anchor-publishing.com/document/312771
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