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2.2
Who
is
a
Refugee?
15
2.2.1 Problems with the Geneva Convention 1951 Definition of a Refugee
18
2.2.2 Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Economic Immigrants
20
2.2.3
Unaccompanied
Children
22
2.3
Refugee
Experiences
25
2.3.1 Experiences in the Home Country (Pre-migration Experiences)
26
2.3.2
Transit
Experiences
(Transmigration)
28
2.3.3 Experiences in the Host Country (Post-migration)
31
2.3.3.1
Acculturation
Strategies
33
2.3.3.2 Post Traumatic Stress Disorders
39
2.4
Challenges
Faced
by
Refugees
42
2.4.1
Access
to
Health
Care
42
2.4.2
Violence
and
Xenophobia
44
2.4.3 Refugees' Right to Education
46
2.4.3.1 Refugee Children's Access to Education
49
2.4.3.2
Unqualified
Teachers
50
2.4.3.3 Grouping of Refugee Children
52
2.4.3.4
Language
Barriers
56
2.5 Refugee Education in South Africa
59
2.5.1 Challenges of Accessing Education in South Africa
61
2.5.2 Department of Home Affairs in South Africa
63
2.6
Conclusion
64
CHAPTER
THREE
66
Theoretical
and
Conceptual
Frameworks
66
3.1
Introduction
66
3.2 Bronfenbrenner's Social Ecological Model
67
3.2.1
Microsystem
67
3.2.2
Mesosystem
68
3.2.3
Exosystem
68
iv
3.2.4
Macrosystem
70
3.2.5
Chronosystem
70
3.3 Critical Reflections on the Bronfenbrenner's Model
72
3.4 Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Model and Refugee Learner Experiences
73
3.4.1 Refugee Learners and the Microsystem
75
3.4.2 Refugee Learners and the Mesosystem
77
3.4.3 Refugee Learners and the Exosystem
78
3.4.4 Refugee Learners and the Macrosystem
78
3.4.5 Refugee Learners and the Chronosystem
79
3.4.6 Refugee Learners and all the Systems
79
3.5 A Conceptual Framework for Understanding Refugee Learners' Experiences
80
3.5.1
Stages
of
Refugee
Experiences
81
3.5.2
Relationship Between Stages of Refugee Experiences and the Bronfenbrenner Model
82
3.6
Conclusion
83
CHAPTER
FOUR
84
Research
Design
and
Methodology
84
4.1
Introduction
84
4.2
Research
Approach
84
4.3
Research
Paradigm
85
4.4
Research
Design
85
4.5
Study
Area
87
4.6
Sampling
Procedures
88
4.6.1
Quota
Sampling
88
4.6.2
Purposive
Sampling
88
4.6.3
Snowball
Sampling
89
4.6.4
Concept/theory
Based
Sampling
90
4.7
The
Sample
and
Size
90
4.8
Data
Collection
Methods
92
4.8.1 Semi-Structured Interview
92
v
4.8.2
Documentary
Sources
93
4.8.3
Autobiographies
94
4.8.4
Focus
Group
Discussions
94
4.9 Validity and Trustworthiness of the Study
95
4.10
Data
Analysis
96
4.11.1
Ethical
Issues
96
4.11.2 Rapport Building as an Ethical Strategy
98
4.12 Delimitations of the Study
99
4.13
Conclusion
100
CHAPTER
FIVE
102
Refugee Learners' Identities and Migration Experiences
102
5.1
Introduction
102
5.2 Zimbabwean Refugee Learners' Identities
102
5.2.1
Lloyd
103
5.2.2
Mary
104
5.2.3
Susan
105
5.2.4
Nancy
106
5.2.5
Nomsa
107
5.2.6
Oliver
108
5.2.7
Jonathan
109
5.2.8
Joseph
109
5.2.9
Byron
110
5.2.10
Alexio
111
5.2.11
Memory
111
5.2.12
Hillary
112
5.2.13
Peter
113
5.2.14
Jacob
113
5.2.15
Natasha
114
5.2.16
Reuben
114
vi
5.3 Interpretation of Refugee Learner's Identities
117
5.3.1
Place
and
Date
of
Birth
117
5.3.2
Family
Background
117
5.3.3
Community
and
Context
118
5.3.4
Education
119
5.3.5 Interests and Future Ambitions
120
5.4 Zimbabwean Refugee Learners' Migration Experiences
120
5.4.1
PRE-MIGRATION
EXPERIENCES
121
5.4.1.1
Political
Persecution
122
5.4.1.2
Harsh
Economic
Conditions
133
5.4.2
TRANSMIGRATION
EXPERIENCES
140
5.4.2.1
Crossing
the
Border
140
5.4.2.2 Traveling Long Distances from the Border
146
5.4.2.3 Temporary Shelters and Jobs
149
5.4.2.4
Finding
the
School
151
5.4.3
POST-MIGRATION
EXPERIENCES
154
5.4.3.1
Discrimination 154
5.4.3.2
Xenophobic
Attacks
163
5.4.3.3
Conclusion
169
CHAPTER
SIX
171
Refugee Learners' School Experiences
171
6.1
Introduction 171
6.2 History of Chitate Street School
171
6.3 Counselling Services Initiated by Chitate Street School
175
6.4 The Curriculum at Chitate School
180
6.4.1 School Curriculum for Primary and Secondary Learners
181
6.4.2 Adult Short Courses and Adult Education
185
6.5
Curricular
Transition
187
6.6 Refugee Learners' Experiences of Curricula Transition
190
vii
6.6.1 Learners' Contextual Experiences of Curricula
191
6.6.2 Learners' Experiences of Curricula Content
193
6.6.3 Learners' Conceptual Experiences of the Curricula
196
6.7 Learners' Straining School Programme
197
6.8
Placement
of
Learners
199
6.9
Funding
Problems
200
6.9.1 Shortage of Resources and Facilities
201
6.9.2
Cambridge
Examination
Fees
204
6.9.3 Learners' Part-time
Jobs 205
6.9.4 Teachers' Financial Situation
206
6.10 Astonishing Achievements at a Refugee School
208
6.11
Risk
of
Closure
210
6.12 Interpretation of Refugee Learners' School Experiences 212
6.13
Conclusion
216
CHAPTER
SEVEN
217
Conclusion: Against All Odds ` 217
7.1
Introduction 217
7.2 Summary of Key Findings
217
7.2.1 Learners' Identities
217
7.2.2
Migration
Experiences
218
7.2.3 Learners' Experiences at Chitate Street School
220
7.3 Research Processes, Theoretical and Conceptual Reflections
221
7.4 Implications of the Study and Directions For Further Research
227
7.5
Conclusion
229
REFERENCES
231
APPENDICES 259
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1 A Timeline of Refugee Policies in South Africa
60
Table 5.1 Summary of Zimbabwean Refugee Learner Identities
116
Table 6.1 Number of Refugee Learners at Chitate Street School
174
Table 6.2 Chitate Street School Curriculum
182
Table
6.3
Cambridge
Examination
Results
209
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1 Acculturation Strategies of Refugees
36
Figure 3.1 Bronfenbrenner's Social Ecological Model
71
Figure 3.2 Stages of Refugee Experiences
82
Figure 5.1 Integration of Ecological Approach on the Stages of Refugee Experiences
121
Figure 6.1 Refugee Learners' Hierarchy
of
Needs
215
Figure 7.1 Conceptual Map Summarising Refugee Learner Experiences
223
Figure 7.2 The Resilient Framework of Refugee Learners
226
x
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My journey towards obtaining this PhD was challenging mainly because of a difficult
background. It would have been a nightmare if I did not get assistance from other people whom I
wish to thank at this juncture. First and foremost, I thank the Almighty God who created me and
enabled me to reach where I am so far. I would not have made any progress in my entire life had
it not been for the unmerited generosity of God. Thank you Father.
I wish to thank my wife, Masline Nyakatonje and sons, Marlon and Ryan. They endured all the
tribulations of living for years without a father figure. They also encouraged me to continue
working hard and have faith in the Almighty. I am indebted to the tremendous work done by my
supervisors, Professors Reshma Sookrajh and Brij Maharaj. The two have completely different
supervision styles. Their conceptual, theoretical and technical approaches were different.
However, they were experts in their different respects and all that was to my advantage. Thank
you so much Brij and Reshma, may the Almighty give you more wisdom so that many more
postgraduate students may benefit.
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my parents for continuously stepping in to help my wife
and children in my absence. Your kindness, understanding and patience will always be my
source of motivation. Tafadzwa (Mani K.) Meda, many thanks brother for the assistance you
rendered whenever I was in a state of impecunious. Let us keep that hospitality and sense of
reaching out to one another in times of need. I am so grateful to the cohort groups that I attended.
There were critical and constructive facilitators, and in particular, I am indebted to Dr. Nyna
Amin and Professor S. Maistry. They stood as quality check observers who would critique
anything dubious and give a chance to researchers to defend their work.
I wish to express my heartfelt appreciation to my former student, T. N. Nemanashi. She made
frantic efforts for me to get a stable job and lent me huge sums of money which enabled me to
reach completion of this thesis. May the Almighty bless her for such an act of kindness and
helpfulness.
xi
A special thanks goes to the University of KwaZulu-Natal for remitting my fees and providing
funding during the data collection phase. I also wish to thank the principal of Chitate Street
School of Refugees. Without his efforts, I would not have managed to collect data at the school.
He facilitated a meeting that I had with the Bishop and organised interviews with parents and
teachers. He also played a key role in the selection of learners.
Many thanks to parents, teachers and learners for agreeing to take part in this study. Last, but not
least, I wish to thank my friend, Professor Mitchel Strumpf who generously provided a
scholarship for my Masters Degree and helped by making the initial payment of fees for this
study. I am so obliged and proud to announce to him the fruits of an academic foundation that he
laid in my life. Thanks Mitch.
xii
DEDICATION
This thesis is dedicated solely to my wife, Masline Nyakatonje. She successfully looked after
the children and managed to stand firm against all odds. Her optimism encouraged me to
continue soldiering on when I was on the verge of dropping. She understood our sad situation
and became my pillar of strength throughout my entire journey to obtaining this PhD.
Zvaonekwa mwenewazvo.
xiii
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
1.1 Background to the Study
Zimbabwean refugee children encountered traumatising migration experiences while they were
in their home country, on the journey to the host country, and when they arrived in South Africa.
Children's basic rights were violated (Human Rights Watch, 2012). Their education was
hopelessly compromised while they were in Zimbabwe and when they arrived in South Africa.
Notwithstanding, Zimbabwean refugee children soldiered on, against all odds.
The experiences of Zimbabwean refugee children can be traced back to the country's unpleasant
political dynamics in 2007 and 2008. Due to harsh political instabilities and chronic economic
problems in Zimbabwe over the past years, many citizens including children, migrated to
neighbouring countries to seek refuge, especially to South Africa (Bloch, 2010). This chapter
introduces the study of Zimbabwean refugee learners' experiences. It analyses learners'
experiences during Zimbabwe's political persecution that was rampant and widespread all over
the country prior to and shortly after presidential elections in the year 2008. It also reflects on
children's experiences during the country's economic doldrums which significantly contributed
to their forced migration to South Africa. I cited several studies to demonstrate the existence of
political violence and economic problems which were experienced by Zimbabwean children and
forced them to seek refuge in South Africa. The chapter also provides a statement of the
problem, rationale for the study, objectives and critical questions guiding this research.
1.2 Zimbabwean Exodus
This section analyses the situation in Zimbabwe that made many children to flee from their
country to seek refuge in South Africa. It begins by providing information about the state of
Zimbabwe and its economy during the 1980s after attaining independence. The section also
provides comprehensive information about the political and economic situation which disrupted
the country and made it a dangerous place in which to live.
1
1.2.1 The State of Zimbabwean Economy During the 1980s and 1990s
Zimbabwe, a former refugee receiving country, is currently the nation that is producing most
refugees entering South Africa (United Nations High Commission for Refugees [UNHCR],
2011a). The country was once called the fruit and bread basket of Africa in the early 1990s when
its economy was thriving and all sectors functioning. According to Richardson (2005) when
Zimbabwe was politically and economically stable, it was in the top five best performing
economies in the region. Education in Zimbabwe was ranked in the top five in Africa with a
literacy rate of 94% in 1991. Richardson (2005, p. 1) said: "Zimbabwe had a sophisticated
manufacturing base, strong banking sector, vibrant tourism, more dams than any other Sub-
Saharan countries except South Africa". There was peace and most people trusted the police.
The country had a secure rule of law and preservation of human rights. All these sectors
contributed to a powerful Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, which averaged 4,3% per year
after the country attained its independence in the year 1980 (Richardson, 2005, p. 1). Richardson
(2005) states that as a result of the country's strong resources and facilities, for a long period of
time Zimbabwe was known as the "jewel" of Africa which had plenty of raw materials and very
productive land for farming purposes. The farming sector was the backbone of the economy of
Zimbabwe. The country produced more than enough farm products to supply its people and
exported the surplus.
Despite the country's historical background of peace and prosperity, things changed suddenly
when political unrest and economic doldrums occurred. Zimbabwe suddenly became a dangerous
place to stay. Both adults and children were vulnerable to political turmoil and economic
problems which were affecting the country (Bloch, 2008). The political situation resulted in
many children escaping from the country to seek refuge in South Africa.
1.2.2 The Political Situation in Zimbabwe
The greatest number of Zimbabwean nationals flocked to South Africa since 2007 because of
political unrest. People's lives, including those of children, were adversely affected before,
during and after the presidential elections which took place in 2008. According to Chung (2010)
the opposition party leader won the March 2008 elections by 47,9% of the votes, while the ruling
2
party leader had 43,2%. Since at least 50% of the votes was required, there was a re-run of
presidential elections in June 2008. When the ruling party lost the March 2008 elections, they
resorted to extreme violence and intimidated people to vote for them in the re-run of elections in
June 2008.
According to Chitando and Togarasei (2010, p. 157): "The period between March and June 2008
represented one of the darkest periods in the post-colonial history of Zimbabwe". There were
more than 200 victims of political violence (including children and women), mostly from the
rural areas, and figures continued to increase daily as the presidential election run-off date
approached (Badza, 2008). According to Chitando and Togarasei (2010) the violence resulted in
torture, persecution, harassment and death of many people, including children and women.
Children were exposed to extreme violence. They witnessed their loved ones butchered. Some
children were beaten and sexually abused (Eppel, 2009).
According to Chitando and Togarasei (2010, p. 157): "The state literally declared war on its
citizens, as Mugabe's retention of power became its major focus". The consequences of political
violence which happened in Zimbabwe negatively affected the lives of ordinary citizens.
Politicians endangered, divided and impoverished families; they destroyed livelihoods, brutally
executed people and also displaced them from their homes. The situation resulted in people
losing their properties and young children getting separated from their family members
(Alexander & Chitofiri, 2010).
Kriger (2012) echoed the same sentiments that many Zimbabweans including young children
faced danger from politicians. The situation resulted in some people going to seek refuge in some
religious organisations such as churches. The political environment in the country was so tense
that people who were offering to help persecuted individuals were dealt with ruthlessly. Even
non-governmental organisations which offered to provide young children with food were
harrassed (Kriger, 2012).
3
There was credible and verifiable reports of torture, intimidation, harassment, rape, violent
attacks, and even murder of human rights defenders, political opponents, journalists, and other
dissenting voices opposed to the government of Zimbabwe (Chitando & Togarasei, 2010).
According to Alexander and Chitofiri (2010) children experienced horrific encounters which
made them leave their home country to seek refuge in South Africa. They were forced to
participate in political activities such as attending meetings and to take part in youth camps
which were considered compulsory. According to Alexander and Chitofiri (2010 p. 675):
Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) considered a failure to
participate in the activities at the bases as `criminal' and deserving of punishment. Many
parents sent their children to the bases as protection against attacks on their persons and
property.
Some school going children who were considered youths were used by the ruling party to rape,
murder and beat up innocent people (Ndhlovu, 2011). There were consequences for not
supporting the ruling party. For example, children in Binga were starved to death because their
parents were believed to be supporting opposition party, and hence did not receive donated food
(Eppel, 2009).
Some children fled the country because of traumatising experiences they faced. Alexander
(2010) states that one man was beaten to death on political grounds while his 11-year-old
grandson witnessed the attack. Children travelled to South Africa because their loved ones were
killed in Zimbabwe. Fritsch, Johnson and Juska (2010) claimed that a 14-year-old boy travelled
from Zimbabwe to South Africa as an unaccompanied child after his father was a victim of
political violence. Given Zimbabwe's crippled economy and political unrest, the boy's mother
who was sick at the time encouraged him to go to South Africa for his safety and to find a job.
According to Alexander (2010 p. 501) one participant whose children witnessed horrible
experiences in Zimbabwe, said: "I'm worried about my children. They've seen police firing
shots, beating me, our house burning". Children experienced bad things happening in the
country. Several studies conducted about the political violence in Zimbabwe reported that
children were victims.
4
Ndhlovu (2011) contends that due to massive political unrest in Zimbabwe, children were left
idle and desperate. They saw frightening images in which there were people whose limbs were
broken, burnt, bloodied and bruised. Some children were persecuted because their parents or
close relatives escaped political attacks which were happening in the country. Thus, children
were persecuted by politicians in order to reveal the whereabouts of their parents (Bloch &
Heese, 2007; Eppel, 2009). According to Eppel (2009 p. 975):
In times of political tension, lists became ominous: in Matabeleland, the 5 Brigade often
travelled with lists of ex-Zipra guerrillas, and those whose names were on the list were
killed. If the named individuals could not be found then their wives or fathers or sons or
whoever else was around was killed instead.
The violence accompanying the harmonised elections left the Zimbabwean people, including
children, deeply traumatised and divided (Badza, 2008). The political tension negatively affected
children's social lives and education. Many children were displaced and dropped out of school
because of the political turmoil, conflict and violence (Alexander, 2010). Human Rights Watch
(2008) states that some children ended up not going to school in Zimbabwe because learning
institutions were no longer safe havens. Schools were sometimes used for political meetings in
which both learners and teachers would be forced to attend. Teachers were abused (in front of
learners) and accused of rallying behind the opposition party. There was persecution and beating
of members of teachers unions who were accused of taking part in politics (Human Rights
Watch, 2008).
Teachers and learners especially in rural areas were intimidated and beaten. As the election date
drew closer, the police targeted particular groups that they perceived to be supporters of the
opposition, including learners, human rights activists, and representatives of certain non-
governmental organisations (Human Rights Watch, 2008). In major cities such as Mutare,
Harare, Gweru and Bulawayo, many opposition party supporters including students who were
famous activists were arrested (Phimister & Raftopolous, 2007). Politicians were merciless and
determined to disrupt education in the country.
5
Children's education was grossly affected when their teachers were being persecuted. According
to Human Rights Watch (2008) school-going children were severely affected by the political and
economic conditions of the country. Some children in secondary schools were accused of
working with teachers against the ruling party. They were beaten together with their teachers.
The abuse of teachers and school children prompted Zimbabwean citizens to seek refuge in
South Africa in order to have a chance to carry on with their education. Consortium for Refugees
and Migrants in South Africa [CoRMSA] (2011) states that Zimbabwean children crossed the
border into South Africa because of disturbing experiences they had in their country and also the
need to access better education. Education in Zimbabwe was compromised by politics and the
country was no longer conducive for teaching and learning to take place.
Many teachers left the country going to South Africa for better working environments. The
situation affected children in schools and resulted in many accompanied and unaccompanied
minors flocking to South Africa to attain quality education. Polzer (2010) avers that significant
numbers of unaccompanied children crossed South Africa's borders to live, study and work.
Human Rights Watch (2012) claims that in 2011 there was an increase in politically-motivated
violence in Zimbabwe. Violence was perpetrated by youths, some of them were children who
were supposed to be in school.
The high level of political persecution which Zimbabwean children were experiencing was
coupled with economic challenges. Hanke (2009) argues that the political and economic crisis in
Zimbabwe psychologically affected learners. Although the country had a national unity
government, its economy and politics remained unresolved and that deteriorated the lives of
many citizens including school going children. According to Rutherford and Addison (2007): "It
is hard now in Zimbabwe. It is like you are in jail in Zimbabwe; the government is the new jail"
(p. 622). The government was described as the new jail because of political and economic
problems which were hard hitting the country and believed to be caused by the nation's leaders.
This resulted in a large influx of citizens to different places. Hammerstad (2012, p. 1) contended
that: "The political and economic debacle in Zimbabwe has led to a large-scale influx of
Zimbabweans into neighbouring South Africa."
6
1.2.3 Economic Situation
It is believed that economic challenges in Zimbabwe began in 2000 (with land reformation) and
came to a complete collapse in 2008. Ploch (2008) contends that the economic down turn of
Zimbabwe began in the year 2000 with the land redistribution programme. The agricultural
sector which contributed significantly to the growth of the economy of Zimbabwe was disrupted
and that resulted in massive food shortages: "Five million Zimbabweans, almost half the
population, received food aid in early 2006" (Ploch, 2008, p. 22). Grain silos across the country
which used to keep food, more than enough for the citizens, were empty and people were starved
(Ploch, 2008).
The economy of the country was shaken. Sisulu, Moyo and Tshuma (2007) claimed that by the
year 2007, Zimbabwe had the fastest shrinking economy, the highest rate of inflation and the
lowest life expectancy in the world. Coltart (2008) states that:
Since 1994, the average life expectancy in Zimbabwe had fallen from 57 years to 34 years
for women and from 54 years to 37 years for men. Some 3,500 Zimbabweans died every
week from the combined effects of HIV/AIDS, poverty, and malnutrition (p. 1).
Unprecedented levels of inflation hit the Zimbabwean economy. Hanke and Kwok (2009, p. 356)
argued that the country's hyperinflation of 20072008 was the worst to be experienced in the 21
st
century. The country had a monthly inflation rate of 79,600,000,000.00 which is equivalent to a
daily inflation rate of 98.0. Inflation was the greatest enemy of the Zimbabwean economy (Beri,
2008), and was the hallmark of the country's economic collapse. The country's hyperinflation
destroyed the economy and plunged many people into poverty and forced many citizens to go to
neighbouring countries (Hanke, 2008). Given the malfunctioning economy and the political fall,
Obe (2006) postulates that it can be argued that Zimbabwe is a failing state and equally a state of
concern to its neighbours and the international community. The political violence and economic
problems forced children to migrate to South Africa.
Bloch (2008; 2010) argues that Zimbabwean children migrated to South Africa mainly because
of rampant inflation, violation of people's rights and massive torture. Due to the economic
collapse in Zimbabwe, all sectors, including education, begun to malfunction (Sisulu et al.,
7
2007). Schools and universities were closed and Zimbabwean children multiplied the numbers of
refugees and asylum seeking children in South Africa.
1.2.4 Zimbabweans in South Africa
UNHCR (2011b) maintains that South Africa received more than 207,000 individual asylum
applications in 2008 and a further 222,300 in 2009. The number is four times more than people
who applied for asylum in 2007. UNHCR (2011a) states that about 100,000 applications
launched in 2008 were from Zimbabweans in South Africa. The South African UNHCR's
planning for 2011 was based on a projected 470,000 people. Fifty five percent of that number
was from Zimbabwe alone, and the rest was from many other African countries (UNHCR,
2011b). Zimbabwe makes up the highest number of refugees in South Africa.
The situation in Zimbabwe has not fully stabilized that it can attract its citizens including refugee
children who are in South Africa (Bloch, 2010). Currently, the overall context in Zimbabwe
remains unstable. Although the economic and humanitarian conditions have improved from the
way they were in 2009, the future of the country is still unpredictable because of instabilities.
In light of the economic and political problems in Zimbabwe, the South African Minister for
Home Affairs stopped deporting Zimbabweans in April 2009. There was an arrangement that
was made between the Zimbabwean and South African governments that Zimbabweans should
legalize their stay by obtaining asylum and achieving refugee status (UNHCR, 2011b). About 1,5
million Zimbabweans are believed to be living in South Africa and the majority of them are
illegal immigrants (without refugee status) (CoRMSA, 2011). However, many Zimbabweans
(about half a million) benefited from the regularization of their stay in South Africa by applying
for asylum and getting refugees status (UNHCR, 2011b). Many Zimbabweans in South Africa
are seeking employment and education since the South African law accords basic rights to
refugees (Igglesden, Monson & Polzer, 2009). Some children are in refugee schools, and one
notable refugee institution is Chitate Street School for refugees, the focus of this study.
8
Zimbabwean children encountered traumatising life experiences in their country, and they faced
hostile communities in South Africa. According to CoRMSA (2009, p. 12): "On aggregate,
Zimbabweans face more acute social and human security challenges than South Africans or other
non-nationals; these challenges include access to public services, assets and income, physical
insecurity and xenophobia". Zimbabwean men, women and children have often been particular
targets in the rising xenophobia in South Africa (Muzondidya, 2010). This study sought to
investigate the experiences of children with specific reference to refugee learners from
Zimbabwe who are at Chitate School of Refugees in South Africa.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
According to Bloch (2008); Ploch (2008) and Alexander (2010) Zimbabwean refugee learners in
South Africa fled their country because of massive political persecution and the economic free
fall in their country. The situation affected many school going children and their parents so much
that the trauma lingers in their memories. One way of healing traumatised children is by using
education to enable them to accept their losses and adapt to the current situation (Hamilton,
2004). In this case, children's education was also disrupted and became an issue of concern.
Given the experiences from Zimbabwe, refugee learners are expected to adapt to a new life in the
South African context. Children are likely to experience severe challenges of exclusion and
psychological trauma which could lead them to facing both physical and epistemic access issues
which limit the extent to which the nation of South Africa could achieve its Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) both in the short and long term (Hanke, 2009). Children are also
expected to adapt to the Cambridge curriculum that is followed by a school they are attending in
South Africa. Regardless of all the challenges, refugee learners from Zimbabwe have to soldier
on.
1.4 Rationale of the Study
The rationale of this study stems from three fundamental dimensions. Firstly, from a contextual
point of view, refugee learner experiences are under-researched (Velez, Sundararajan, Brown &
Gifford, 2007). There is a need for more extensive research about the experiences of refugee
children. Secondly, from a personal dimension, the researcher is a Zimbabwean citizen who has
witnessed some schooling interruptions and the traumatic experiences in the country during its
9
political unrest and economic collapse, hence the desire to study Zimbabwean refugee learners'
experiences. Thirdly, from an intellectual point of view, there is a need to understand refugee
learners' experiences and how they cope in their new environment. Such knowledge helps to
contribute to the field of refugee education.
1.5 Importance of the Study
It is hoped that the study will provide an understanding of how refugee learners cope with school
experiences in host countries. This knowledge will help improve the quality of education for
refugee learners. This research will generate knowledge which may be useful to the improvement
of education for refugees in Africa. There is a dearth of research on refugee learner experiences.
According to Williams (2010): "Very little empirical research has been conducted in the area of
the ecology of refugee that actually describes experiences through the voices of refugees
themselves" (p. 92). Thus, this study may contribute to the understanding of refugee education
and their migration patterns.
This study enabled refugees to comment on their experiences, which may lead to more durable
solutions to the refugee crisis in Africa. It is hoped that through interactions that I had with
learners, this study developed information which can be useful to UNHCR's realisation of a long
term vision about refugee children's education. The UNHCR's long term vision in terms of
education is: "to provide quality education to refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons,
internally displaced persons and returnees" (UNHCR, 2009a, p. 18). The study was influenced
by Roxas' (2010) view that:
In order to improve education for refugee students, there must be a commitment to an
ongoing and focused discussion amongst administrators, teachers, refugee students, and
their families about how schools are meeting (or not) the unique needs of refugee students
(p. 72).
This study generated new insights into the provision of quality education to refugees and how the
interaction of different environmental systems affects them. From a theoretical perspective, this
study contributes to the understanding of refugees from the Maslow's hierarchy of needs' point
of view. The study vividly brings to light the state of refugee children in terms of the full gamut
of human needs. It also made a contribution to the resilient theory. The theory was expanded as it
10
relates to refugee children. This knowledge helps to have a comprehensive understanding of
what it means to be a refugee child and how resilience is a cornerstone to all forced migrants.
1.6 Focus of the Study
Hanke (2009) argues that the high political tension between parties and economic challenges in
Zimbabwe resulted in the closure of schools and universities and the malfunctioning of many
sectors. As a result, Zimbabwean learners migrated to neighbouring countries with the majority
entering South Africa where they were faced with a hostile reception. This study focused on
investigating Zimbabwean refugee learners' experiences in South Africa.
1.7 Research Objectives
The specific research objectives of this study are to:
i)
Investigate the Zimbabwean refugee learners' identities;
ii)
Examine Zimbabwean refugee learners' migration experiences; and
iii)
Investigate Zimbabwean refugee learners' school experiences
1.8 Critical Research Questions
i) Who are the Zimbabwean refugee learners?
ii) What were Zimbabwean refugee learners' migration experiences?
iii) What were Zimbabwean refugee learners' school experiences?
1.9 Organisation of the thesis
This thesis on refugee learners' experiences comprises of seven chapters. Chapter one provided a
comprehensive introduction and background to the study. It situated the study historically from
the time when the economy of Zimbabwe was booming until it was paralyzed by political unrest
and economic doldrums (Bloch, 2008; 2010; Ploch, 2008). The chapter also provides statement
of the problem, rationale of the study as well as objectives and critical research questions guiding
the study.
11
Chapter two reviews literature related to refugee learners' experiences. Refugee learner
experiences have been divided into migration experiences and school experiences. Migration
experiences comprise of what refugee children went through in their home country, on the
journey to the host country and what actually happens when they settle in the host country
(Anderson, Hamilton, Moore, Loewen & Mathieson, 2004; Bhugra et al., 2011). Literature on
school experiences focused on the importance of education for a refugee child. According to
Pacheco (2011) and Peterson (2003) education provides the primary means by which refugee
children gain a sense of empowerment and independence. The chapter also presented insights on
challenges faced by refugee children in accessing their right to education internationally and in
the South African context.
Chapter three provides detailed information about conceptual and theoretical frameworks
underpinning this study. The conceptual framework guiding this research is based upon the ideas
of Anderson et al. (2004) and Bhugra et al. (2011) who unanimously contend that refugee learner
experiences can best be understood by looking at their pre-migration, transmigration and post-
migration experiences. The theoretical framework guiding this research is Bronfenbrenner's
(1979) Social Ecological Model. The model was used as an analytical framework of refugee
learners' migration and school experiences. Refugee learners' identities were analysed following
the Goodson and Sikes' (2001) timeline history.
Chapter four outlines the research design and methodology of the study. It provides a detailed
data production plan and justification for each selected method. The study employed a qualitative
approach and followed an interpretive paradigm. Chapter five analyses data on refugee learners'
identities and migration experiences using Goodson and Sikes' (2001) timeline history and
Bronfenbrenner's model, respectively. Refugee learners' migration experiences were presented
according to the three stages of refugee experiences (pre-migration, transmigration and post-
migration). Each stage of the refugee learner experience was analysed in terms of
Bronfenbrenner's Social Ecological Model which looks at the development of a child by
considering the interaction of environmental systems. Chapter six analyses the refugee learners'
school experiences using Bronfenbrenner's model.
12
The final chapter presents an overview of research findings and evaluates how the study
responded to critical questions that it set to explore, assesses the contribution made by this thesis,
and also identifies directions for future research.
1.10 Conclusion
This chapter presented an introduction and background to the study where Zimbabwean political
and economic problems were identified as the main causes of children's forced migration.
Children left Zimbabwe mainly because of political instability and poor economic conditions
which gripped the country. Zimbabwean learners encountered disturbing experiences when the
country's economy fell apart. Their standard of living was severely compromised and education
disrupted. This resulted in children leaving the country in search of a better life and quality
education in the neighbouring South Africa. The chapter presented a statement of the problem,
rationale for the study as well as objectives and critical questions guiding the research. It also
presented an outline of the thesis. The next chapter reviews literature about refugee learners'
experiences.
13
CHAPTER TWO
Literature Review
2.1 Introduction
According to Baker (2000) literature review is defined as a systematic analysis and evaluation of
scholarly works focused on a particular topic. Among other reasons, literature review is done in
order to delimit the research problem and to have a deep understanding of what is known and
unknown around a specific area of study. This necessitates a critical review of the literature in
which existing research is discussed and evaluated, thereby contextualising and justifying the
project (Saunders & Rojon, 2011). I was able to justify the need for my study of refugee learner
experiences after I read different literature about forced migration.
This chapter reviews literature related to refugee learner experiences. It begins by assessing the
definition of a refugee set by the 1951 Geneva Convention. Scholars advocate for a revision of
the definition in order to have a more responsive criteria for granting refugee status in this
contemporary 21
st
century. The second section focuses on refugee learner experiences and is
presented in three phases, namely: i) in the home country; ii) in transit; and iii) in the host
country. At each of these stages children face traumatic encounters. The third section presents
acculturation strategies.
The final section focuses on challenges faced by refugee children in the host country. In an
atmosphere where countries ratified international and national legislation that advocate for the
rights of refugees, one would think that children easily attain their principles of entitlement.
However, there is a wide gap between what is in policy documents and experiences that refugee
children actually face on the ground. In different countries, refugee children have difficulties in
attaining their basic rights to health care, education and other social services.
Refugee children are disadvantaged in schools because they are often taught by unqualified
teachers, grouped into inappropriate classes and learn with minimal teaching and learning
resources such as textbooks. In the South African context, this chapter assesses literature which
suggests that refugee children are denied opportunities to enroll in government schools. The
14
problem of refugee children's education in South Africa is exacerbated by the Department of
Home Affairs which takes too long to offer refugee permits.
2.2 Who is a Refugee?
Identifying people who qualify to get refugee status is difficult. Hatoss (2012) argues that the
question of identity development is complex in the context of refugee groups. Thus, it is
important to have an understanding of who refugees really are in order to comprehend their
experiences. Similarly, Pacheco (2011) argues that when doing a study of refugees, it is very
important to begin by defining the context in which a person is considered a refugee. Defining
refugees is important in order to understand the criterion used for a person to get that status.
According to UNHCR (2005) it is essential to establish who refugees are. That enables host
countries to implement the obligations as they are set in the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol.
In everyday life, the word refugee simply means an individual who has been displaced or a
person who goes to another country to seek refuge status because of political persecution in
his/her home country (Papadopoulos, 2007). This definition differs slightly from the legal
definition as determined by the United Nations. Prior to the Second World War, refugees were
defined on an ad hoc basis with reference to their national origin (UNHCR, 2005). After the
Second World War, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a specific criterion of
establishing who can be a refugee. A comprehensive definition of a refugee was written in the
1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol.
The United Nations 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees provides a comprehensive legal
code regarding the rights of refugees at the international level and defines what it means to be a
refugee (UNHCR, 2010). The 1951 Convention definition of a refugee provides protection of
people who experience persecution and torture in their home countries. The Convention on the
Status of a refugee views a refugee as a person who is incapable or reluctant to go back to his
country of origin:
Owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality,
membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his
nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the
protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of
15
his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to return to it (United Nations, 1951, p. 2).
UNHCR (2005) asserts that the 1951 definition of refugees was expanded in Africa in 1969 by
the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union. According to the OAU's
article 1 (2) of the 1969:
The term "refugee" shall also apply to every person who owing to external aggression,
occupation, foreign domination or events seriously disturbing public order in either part or
the whole of his [or her] country of origin or nationality, is compelled to leave his [or her]
place of habitual residence in order to seek refuge in another place outside his [or her]
country of origin or nationality (UNHCR, 2005, p. 6).
According to the UNHCR (2005) the 1969 definition of a refugee emerged as a result of civil
and liberation wars which were happening in Africa in the periods that ranged between the 1950s
and 1960s. Thus, in the African context, the African Union definition of a refugee came about
because of atrocities of war and human rights abuses which were rampant in the continent. The
definition was expanded to accommodate people affected by external aggression, occupation,
foreign domination or events seriously disturbing public order (UNHCR, 2005).
The African Union definition makes a slight provision for the accommodation of the current
movement of people because it specifies external aggression and disturbance of public order. It is
contextualized to the African continent and makes more provision for refugees compared to the
international definition which is rigid and concerned more with violence and persecution. It,
however, does not clearly define the complex problem of refugees, asylum seekers and economic
immigrants.
UNHCR (2005) postulates that the United Nations 1951 Convention is a status and rights-based
instrument. Although different continents or countries may re-define a refugee to suit their
contexts, the 1951 Convention definition is the main instrument that delineates people who
qualifies. Its definition is the primary basis of determining a refugee and countries that ratified it
are obliged to stick to its stipulations. The 1951 Convention provides protection for refugees. It
defines fundamental principles for treatment of a refugee and also specifies the criterion of
becoming one (Pacheco, 2011). In order for a person to become entitled to the protections
16
afforded by the Convention and Protocol, he/she must meet the criteria of becoming a refugee as
defined by the United Nations.
The United Nations definition of a refugee is currently the keystone international text that is
frequently used in response to forced migration (Steinbock, 1999). Through the 1951 convention,
many nations have to incorporate a provision to accommodate refugees in their countries. The
definition is emphatic on the protection of people from various politically related violence
backgrounds and any form of persecution (UNHCR, 2010). There are different forms of
persecution which refugees experience which make it impossible for them to go back to their
countries. Some might have been tortured in their home countries whereas others may have been
abused (Hamilton, 2004).
In some instances, children seek refuge because of economic conditions. Quintero (2009)
postulates that some children may have come to seek refuge in a foreign country because of
natural disasters such as earthquakes and volcanoes. In the 21
st
century, the bulk of people
seeking refuge in other countries do so because of poor economic and environmental conditions
in their home countries. The problem, however, is that the definition of a refugee in terms of the
1951 Convention does not consider environmental and economic factors (Slobe, 2011). The
definition emphasizes giving refugee status to people who have been persecuted or experienced
conditions that may cause them not to be able to go back to their home country. The rigidity of
the 1951 Convention on the status of refugees has caused some scholars such as Ott (2011) to
challenge the definition and call for a revision of the conditions of accepting refugees. This has
been done in order to encompass the refugee situation in the current global context.
A definition which suits current migratory flows should not only be restricted to wars and
persecution, but should also consider environmental and economic factors. African countries
such as Zimbabwe and Zambia suffered chronic economic problems (Bloch, 2010). Mozambique
and the Democratic Republic of Congo were once affected by floods and volcanoes respectively.
This resulted in the massive exodus of citizens to other African countries. According to the
Convention definition, none of these people ought to be given refugee status. The rigidity of the
Convention definition of a refugee is being challenged by different scholars in the 21
st
century.
17
2.2.1 Problems with the Geneva Convention 1951 Definition of a Refugee
The 1951 definition of a refugee has been contested by various scholars in this new millennium.
Slobe (2011) asserts that the main problem with the 1951 definition of a refugee is that it is old
and does not accommodate some global issues arising in the 21
st
century. Lately, the definition is
viewed as becoming less valuable since it does not adequately address the nature of refugee
movements which are happening in different countries today (Slobe, 2011). The convention
definition of a refugee is outdated; it was developed based on experiences of violence, exile and
political motives (Ott, 2011). The experiences of war and violence are at the centre of the
Convention definition of a refugee. It does not consider anything else other than some form of
persecution which renders someone's inability to return to his country (Binder & Tosic, 2005).
Sidhu, Taylor and Christie (2011) argued that the convention was devised with a particular kind
of refugee in mind. This is understandable considering the time period when the 1951 definition
was adopted. The definition was not premeditated with the nature of environmental and
economic refugee outflows that is currently happening in the 21
st
century (Ott, 2011). As a result
of the gap that the definition of refugees leaves concerning environmental and economic
migration, some countries granted refugee status not exclusively based on persecution. An
example of this is where Mozambicans and Zimbabweans were given refugee status in South
Africa because of the economic collapse of their countries (Bloch, 2010). Some scholars
conclude that the 1951 definition is biased.
Binder and Tosic (2005) contend that the definition is biased because it is based on male
refugees. For example, the definition says "owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of
the protection of that country" (United Nations, 1951, p. 2). Binder and Tosic (2005) state that
the assumption of the definition is that women are subsumed under men. The definition has some
gender imbalances and requires some amendments to make it current and applicable to the
situation on the ground.
18
The definition has to be responsive to current causes of migration such as earthquakes,
volcanoes, floods and other natural disasters (Hyndman, 1987; Millbank, 2000; Paoletti, 2011;
Quintero, 2009). Although Sweden grants refugee permits according to the criterion set by the
1951 Geneva Convention, it also goes beyond this. Hollander, Bruce, Burström and Ekblad
(2011) argued that while Sweden grants asylum to people based on persecution and torture, it
also gives refuge to victims of an environmental disaster in their native country. The Swedish
criterion for granting refugee status is comprehensive and accommodates migration flows in the
21
st
century. It is more flexible than the 1951 Convention which was criticized for being rigid
and unfair to host countries.
Ott (2011) argues that the definition in terms of the 1951 Convention is burdensome and unfair
to the host country. The Convention simply states that the host country has to provide all rights
of refugee children. It does not require the country where refugees would be fleeing from, to
offer assistance to the host nation. As a result, host countries have a greater burden of looking
after refugees with little international assistance. The host country has obligations to provide
refugees with their rights to education, health care and social services (UNHCR, 2010). Host
countries will do that with the little help that comes from UNHCR, and not from any other
country. The burden could be too much on the host country because it has the obligation of
providing rights to all its citizens as well.
According to Ott (2011) some African countries do not have adequate resources to support their
own citizens, let alone refugees. However, as a result of the international law, they are forced to
accept more refugees than they can support. The 1951 definition does not explain how the
receiving country ought to sustain its people and refugees as well. The definition only provides
an explanation of who qualifies to obtain refugee status. It does not clearly make provision for
economic immigrants who are also important because they are often mistaken for refugees and
asylum seekers.
19
2.2.2 Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Economic Immigrants
Fred, Chung and Pedersen (2003) argued that to truly understand the situation of refugees it is
important to emphasize differences between refugees and economic immigrants, or forced versus
free migration. Refugees are forced to leave their country of origin based on the 1951 Geneva
Convention on the status of refugees. According to Fred et al. (2003) refugees are distinguished
from other migrants such as immigrants, sojourners, or guest workers, mainly because of the
nature of their departure which is involuntary. The departure of refugees is often caused by
events outside their control such as war and political turmoil. The result of this abrupt departure
is that refugees are not prepared psychologically and pragmatically for the rapid movement and
transitions (Fred et al., 2003). They are faced with uncertainty, disarray, risky encounters and
complete disruption of normal life (UNHCR, 2010). Refugees differ from asylum seekers.
An asylum seeker is a person who has left his/her home country and make a formal application
for asylum in another country but whose application has not yet been determined (Walker, 2011).
In the same vein, the UNHCR (2009a) defines an asylum seeker as a person who desperately
requires international protection, but his/her claim has not yet been processed by the host country
in which he/she has sought asylum. In other words, when a person has applied to be recognised
as a refugee and is awaiting a decision from the new government, he/she can be called an asylum
seeker (Bhugra et al., 2011). Once a person (asylum seeker) who applied for refugee status gets a
positive response from the government of the host country, he/she will then be called a refugee.
UNHCR (2011d) asserts that all refugee children were once asylum seekers, but it does not
necessarily mean that all asylum seekers would ultimately become refugees.
UNHCR (2009a) postulates that asylum seekers can not be given full rights like citizens of the
host country because their applications for refugee status would be pending. This is different
from refugees who have rights to education, health and social services just like citizens of the
host country. Thus, refugees and asylum seekers differ in the sense that refugees have received
their status, but asylum seekers are still in the process of obtaining refugee status. Muneghina
and Papadopoulos (2010) argued that one thing that asylum seekers and refugees have in
common is the fact that they both involuntarily lost their homes and they miss a place that they
call theirs. They will both be in a foreign country to make ends meet because the situation was
20
tense for them in their home countries. Refugees and asylum seekers are different from economic
immigrants.
UNHCR (2011d) defines economic migrants as: "Persons who leave their countries of origin
purely for economic reasons" (p. 11). According to UNHCR (2011d) economic migrants do not
satisfy the Convention definition of a refugee. Consequently, they should not be categorised in
the same group with refugees. Stein (1981) argues that refugees differ from economic migrants
because economic migrants may decide to move the whole family. They may bring resources
with them and make preparations for a new life. This is different from refugee movements which
result from an overwhelming push of persecution and threats in their home countries.
Another difference between refugees and economic migrants is that any destination will do for
the refugee while the immigrants have a preferred destination (Stein, 1981). Economic migrants
have a choice to make that would be best for themselves and families (UNHCR, 2011c).
Refugees flee anywhere in order to reach safety and protect their freedom. Economic
immigrants take time to study the economy of the country before they make a decision to
move, and do not have a right to get refugee status.
Andrew and Shacknove (1985) argued that a criterion for granting refugee status occurs
specifically when a government fails to provide protection to people whose lives are threatened
mainly because of risky persecutions. In that respect, a person qualifies to get international
assistance. This means a person who moves from one country to another seeking employment or
voluntarily migrating to another country in order to get quality education for his/her children
automatically risks losing being called a refugee (Qasmiyeh, 2011). Based on this interpretation,
people who voluntarily migrate for the purposes of poor economy in their countries or for the
attainment of better standards of education do not qualify for international protection.
21
Bhugra et al. (2011) claimed that refugee learners are perhaps the most vulnerable of all migrant
groups in terms of mental and physical health. They encounter experiences which may be so
traumatising that they will end up developing post traumatic stress disorders (PTSD). Tienda and
Haskins (2011) contend that refugee families face many risks. Some families get separated when
they reach the host country or some children will decide to travel from their home countries to a
foreign country without the care of parents/guardians. Such minors are called unaccompanied
children.
2.2.3 Unaccompanied children
The Convention on the Rights of the Child [CRC] (1989) Article 1 defines a child as "every
human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child,
majority is attained earlier" (p. 2). Based on the CRC definition of a child, any person who is
below eighteen years is a child. The UNHCR (2006) defines unaccompanied children (or
unaccompanied minors) as: "children who have been separated from both parents and relatives
and are not being cared for by an adult who, by law or custom, is responsible for doing so" (p. 5).
Children can get separated from their parents because of wars, famines and natural disasters,
among other factors. They will seek refuge in foreign countries without the company of
parents/guardians. Couch (2011) maintains that many refugee young people enter Australia as
unaccompanied children and arrive without any family or extended family. Children may have
escaped persecution in their home countries and look forward to a peaceful life in a foreign
country. Unaccompanied and separated children have long been a feature of asylum and refugee
flows, particularly in the developing world (Crock, 2006).
Unaccompanied refugee minors are a distinct class of immigrants with a complex set of needs.
They are an exceptionally vulnerable group of people (German & Ehntholt, 2007). They
encounter harsh experiences in their home countries such as witnessing deaths of loved ones
which may force them to seek refuge in a foreign country (Sidhu et al., 2011). Unaccompanied
children experience greater challenges than their accompanied peers, both before and during
resettlement. This is because unaccompanied children have to face all challenges by themselves,
without parents/guardians to help them (Michelson & Sclare, 2009). Some unaccompanied
22
children may not have asylum which allow them to obtain services like education, health care
and government support.
Bhabha (2004) argues that it is more difficult for separated or unaccompanied children to gain
asylum as compared to adults. Children cannot stand up for themselves and pursue the
application process that is long and sometimes cumbersome. They are too young to find proper
legal representation. In many situations, their applications are continuously postponed and they
take a long period of time to process until they are granted refugee status (Bhabha, 2004).
Crock (2006) postulates that unaccompanied and separated children face particular hurdles in
trying to access asylum processes in Australia. In order for a child to gain access to Australia's
asylum procedures, he/she has to prove beyond any reasonable doubt that he/she is in need of the
country's protection. A child will have to do all that without legal assistance of any kind and
prove that he/she is a person to whom Australia owes protection obligation (Crock, 2006). The
problem is that most of the children may not be in possession of the legal papers that are needed.
Some of them may have entered the country illegally and they could have lost their
documentation.
As a result of illegal entry, children avoid officials because of fear of being caught and deported
to their home countries (Elwyn, Gladwell & Lyall, 2012). They go through many challenges in
the host country where they require help. Some experience psychosocial problems and will
require assistance to cope with their situation. German and Ehntholt (2007) contend that
psychosocial support groups can be helpful because of their capabilities of providing social
contact to children that are isolated and finding it difficult to cope in their new environment.
Elwyn et al. (2012) maintained that many unaccompanied minors suffer from guilt about the fact
that they now live in safety, while their families in their home countries may still be at risk.
Inability to contact their families often exacerbates this anxiety. Under the circumstances,
children find it very hard to adjust in the places that they will be staying as well as in schools.
23
According to Bhugra et al. (2011) refugee children find it hard to adjust at home and in school.
The situation results in some older children having a responsibility of looking after the young
ones. Some unaccompanied refugee children face many problems in which they will be
grappling to forget the past and trying to get to terms with the challenges in their new
environment which could be very hostile (Papadopoulos, 2002).
CoRMSA (2009) contends that most of the unaccompanied children face the challenge of sexual
abuse, exploitation, and a great deprivation of human rights. The greatest problem that
unaccompanied children experience is the fact that hosting countries may not treat them as
children who require basic needs, but regard them as mere refugees (CoRMSA, 2009). Huemer
and Vostanis (2010) asserted that throughout Europe, unaccompanied refugee minors are
exposed to an additional institutional conflict. They are treated according to their refugee or
asylum seeking status, and not primarily as children and adolescents. The majority of
unaccompanied children are often denied education and frequently have to work to survive. This
raises the possibility of exploitation and family separation and can inflict psychosocial damage
on children (Craig, 2010).
According to CoRMSA (2011) many unaccompanied children who come to the Republic of
South Africa are faced with considerable risks such as working under abusive and exploitative
conditions. Women's Refugee Commission (2011) echoed the same sentiments that displaced
young people, both male and female, are vulnerable to recruitment into armed groups. Children
may resort to dangerous jobs to meet their own survival needs or to criminal activities or drug
and alcohol abuse. Female refugee children are at a greater risk of abuses such as physical
violence and exploitation (Women's Refugee Commission, 2011). Unaccompanied children are
vulnerable to all those inhumane treatments because they are minors who depend on adults for
survival. Some adults take advantage of children's dependence on them to exploit and abuse
them. This makes refugee children have difficult experiences.
24
2.3 Refugee Experiences
Refugees go through a lot of unbearable experiences which begin in their home countries and to
the host country. Craig (2010) maintains that many refugee children are very reluctant to talk
about experiences that they encountered in their home and host countries. This is because it is
painful to review unpleasant experiences in their lives. According to Papadopoulos (2007) events
that refugee children experience cause them to develop some degree of psychological distress,
upheaval and confusion. They go through harsh experiences which include loss of their loved
ones, losing homes and sometimes losing their identities (Muneghina & Papadopoulos, 2010).
Some refugees go through experiences which may cause them to have a unique form of
disorientation (Muneghina & Papadopoulos, 2010).
Refugee experiences can be categorized into three stages, namely: home country experiences
(pre-migration), transit experiences (transmigration) and host country experiences (post-
migration) (Anderson et al., 2004; Bhugra & Gupta, 2011; Bryant & Ahearn, 1999; Lustig et al.,
2004). All three stages of migration can pose stress to refugees (Weaver & Burns, 2001). Each
stage has its distinct set of challenges which refugee children encounter. Bhugra et al. (2011)
asserted that the first stage of home country experiences involves the decision and planning to
move away. In the second stage (transit), refugees would physically relocate to another country.
Both home country and transit experiences may cause a lot of stress to refugee children (Lustig
et al., 2004). Henley and Robinson (2011) claim that pre-migration and transmigration
experiences of refugees make them feel very stressed and sometimes traumatised that they would
find it difficult to settle in the host country. The third stage is viewed as the absorption of the
refugee within the social and cultural framework of the new society (Bhugra et al., 2011).
Marar (2011) asserts that refugee phases are complex mainly because children have to go
through difficult circumstances in each and every stage. In some cases, children's experiences
could be so traumatising that they may lose their identities during the course of migration.
Children's experiences can be exacerbated when they arrive in the host country where they are
expected to adapt quickly and move on with life in a new setting (Marar, 2011). Rousseau,
Drapeau and Corin (1997) argued that refugee children are at risk of developing mental health
problems on account of the acute stress and trauma associated with the refugee processes. This
25
stress comes as a result of massive challenges that children encounter on their homes, on the
journey to the host country and complexities associated with living in a new society (Rousseau et
al., 1997).
2.3.1 Experiences in the Home Country (Pre-migration Experiences)
Experiences in the home country refer to what refugee children go through prior to being forced
to leave. This includes challenges and threats that children face which makes them seek refuge in
another country (Moore & Shellman, 2006). Kelly (2010) postulates that many refugee children
and asylum seekers face challenges in their home countries which affect their mental health and
prompt them to relocate to other countries. Roxas (2011) asserts that refugee children could be
exposed to harsh experiences that are so unbearable that they will decide to seek refuge in other
countries. Some refugee children experience extreme violence which will traumatise them.
Craig (2010) postulates that it is very important to understand the nature and extent of pre-
migration trauma and violence and the entire range of experiences that refugee children go
through prior to their migration. Some of the traumatic experiences that children witness linger
in their minds and affect them even when they have long settled in the host country. Some may
be exposed to harsh experiences such as imprisonment, torture, witnessing murder, child soldier
activity and loss of family members through violence (Sidhu et al., 2011), sexual and physical
assault and the deprivation of human rights (Couch, 2011).
Schininà, Sharma, Gorbacheva and Mishra (2011) contend that several risk factors may
characterise refugee children's pre-migration experiences. These include direct or witnessed
experiences of violence and sexual abuse. Some children face traumatic experiences such as
seeing a mother or sister raped or becoming victims of rape themselves in their home countries
(Craig, 2010). Some would be exposed to some brutality of using animals to rape human beings
or removing the unborn foetus from a pregnant woman (Weaver & Burns, 2001). Children's
exposure to such experiences contributes to emotional distress, anxiety, depression, and conduct
disorders (Bhugra & Gupta, 2011).
26
Somali refugee children in Boston, United States of America (USA) witnessed the execution of
their family members, experienced war and disruption of lives (Williams, 2010). Rasmussen,
Katoni, Keller and Wilkinson (2011) argued that refugee children experienced horrific incidents
during the attacks by Sudanese military in Darfur. Children were shot, suffocated, strangled,
kidnapped, drowned and starved to death. Refugees stated four different types of material loss:
destruction of crops, destruction of homes, theft, and killing of livestock (Rasmussen et al.,
2011). Schweitzer, Brough, Vromans and Asic-Kobe (2011) argued that:
Burmese refugee children in Australia had severe pre-migration traumas which include:
lack of food or water; ill health without access to medical care; lack of shelter;
imprisonment/detention; rape or sexual abuse; forced isolation from others; being close to
death; forced separation from family members; murder of family or friend; lost or
kidnapped and tortured (p. 303).
Weaver and Burns (2001) articulated that children from Sri Lanka who were refugees in Canada
had traumatic pre-migration experiences in their home country. Some reported that they had
cigarette burns and others had damaged joints and vertebrae. Some of the respondents described
their families including children being immersed in a climate of violence where they had no safe
place to turn to and could trust no one, including government officials and the police (Weaver &
Burns, 2001).
According to Weaver and Burns (2001) Sri Lankan citizens had daunting pre-migration
experiences. Adults and children had gun shots in various body parts such as the knee, neck and
abdomen. Such experiences are devastating and they result in refugees losing their homes during
the period of conflict. Muneghina and Papadopoulos (2010) contend that involuntary loss of
homes which refugee children experience is not only about the mindful loss of the house that
belongs to a family or material possessions that they like. This loss also creates a more
fundamental psychological disturbance of their whole sense of belonging. Refugee children, like
other human beings, get attached to a place that they call home. Therefore, loosing that home
over-night will have immeasurable repercussions on their well-being.
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2.3.2 Transit Experiences (Transmigration)
The second stage, transit, involves refugees on a flight (journey) to the host country. Anderson et
al. (2004) affirmed that the transit phase includes experiences that occurred in the transition from
home to host country. This could be a short transition that includes the plane trip from home to
host country or could involve years spent hiding or confinement in refugee camps, prior to
moving to the host country (Anderson et al., 2004). A journey to a country of refuge can be
stressful and burdensome to refugees. Children may experience perilous journeys, arrest,
detention, sexual assault and torture during their journeys to the host country (Kaplan, 2009).
They may be arrested because of not having travel documents or for trying to enter clandestinely.
Children and women are the most vulnerable groups of people on transit.
Kira, Smith, Lewandowski and Templin (2010) stated that the experience of traveling from one
country to another is much more difficult for women and children because they are more
vulnerable to assaults and exploitation by people that they come across at the border and in
refugee camps. According to Bryant and Ahearn (1999):
For the African refugee child who is forced to leave home, relatives, friends, and familiar
surroundings, the process is fraught with danger and often times involves additional
traumatic events. For example, many Angolan refugees were brutalized, robbed, raped and
killed by soldiers. Mozambicans fleeing war in their country were exposed to a long,
dangerous and traumatic journey to safety, and many Somali refugees died of starvation as
they fled their country en route to areas where they could find food (p. 80).
Transit experiences can be more traumatising to children because they may encounter worse
problems than they had prior to departing from their home countries. Some children may be lost
while others may witness tragic experiences on the way to the host country. Kirkbride and Jones
(2011) suggest that transit in itself is a major life changing event and may put considerable stress
on individuals. It involves a series of losses, such as the family and the familiar society, and both
emotional and structural losses are experienced. The aspect of loss is very common to refugee
children. It starts in the pre-migration phase when children lose their relatives, homes and other
belongings. The loss continues in transit where children will be losing their culture and societal
norms when they move to a new country.
28
The refugee children's journey to the host country is very stressful and can involve border
jumping, river crossing, walking in desserts, and also lengthy stays in refugee camps (Henley &
Robinson, 2011). Refugees face challenges such as walking long distances and being denied
entry into the host country by immigration officials. The major trauma reported by the South
East Asian refugees in USA was walking very long distances in order to reach the border
(Rousseau et al., 1997). According to Rutter (2003) almost all Vietnamese refugees in the United
Kingdom have made perilous journeys in small boats to Hong Kong and other South East Asian
countries in which at least 10% of refugees perished from dehydration, drowning or pirate
attacks.
Transit experiences often become a big challenge because refugees make unplanned journeys to
countries of refuge. They may have been forced to run away from their home country without
having ample time to prepare for the journey (Henley & Robinson, 2011). In such a situation,
refugee children take chances of trying to cross borders illegally by slipping passed immigration
patrols. This makes refugee journeys risky because women and children can be taken advantage
of and get abducted and raped by people who may have helped them to make clandestine entries.
Henley and Robinson (2011) stated that as a result of illegal entries into a foreign country,
children may sustain physical injuries. This is because the process of transmigration implies a
high level of stress and consequences which may have repercussions on the mental health of
immigrants (Kirchner & Patiño, 2011).
In South Africa, migrant children who cross borders illegally are at the risk of rape, abduction
and even murder by people who pretend to be willing to offer help to unaccompanied minors
(CoRMSA, 2009). One of the main characteristics of the transit experience is that migrants pass
borders illegally. They may be caught before or after they reach host communities, and are
deported back home (CoRMSA, 2008). Vijayakumar and Jotheeswaran (2010) asserted in the
European context, that in many instances refugee children are detained, dispersed and ill-treated
mainly because they will not be in possession of legal papers. The absence of legal papers makes
some refugees and their children make their journeys in the evenings. This endangers their lives
because they may be robbed and murdered by criminals in the host country.
29
Paoletti (2011) postulates that despite tighter security policies, the number of refugees in Libya
remains high and those who used clandestine entry had reached unprecedented levels in the
history of that country. With immigration controls tightened, more children end up being placed
in the hands of smugglers to cross the border which endangers their lives (Ayott & Williamson,
2001). CoRMSA (2009) states that many Zimbabwean children who try to enter South Africa
through clandestine channels experience distressing and life threatening encounters. Children are
tempted to do this because of the absence of travel documents.
Absence of travel documents make refugee children run away from the police all the time. They
will avoid the police because of a fear of deportation. Some may be detained and forced to live
as prisoners for a long time before they are finally deported. Some refugees may be detained and
deported before they make it to settlement communities. CoRMSA (2009) indicates that a total
of up to50 000 non-South Africans are detained at the Lindela Detention Centre. Non-nationals
will eventually be deported to South African borders so that they go back to their home
countries. While some refugee children may be deported before they reach their areas of
settlement, others may be deported after they lived in the host country for many years
(CoRMSA, 2008). They may be detained and forced to return to their home countries because of
a lack of legal documents.
Some refugee children experience trafficking. According to Keogh (2010) trafficking in persons
entails the enrolment, transporting or harbouring of persons in an illegal manner. Busch-
Armendariz, Nsonwu and Cook (2011) argued that there are two main types of human
trafficking: sex trafficking and labour trafficking. According to Rutter (2003) sex trafficking
involves the recruitment of people in order to participate in sexual activities. Women and
children are more vulnerable to sex trafficking where they would be raped and sometimes used
in activities that involve pornography and prostitution. Busch-Armendariz et al. (2011) contend
that traffickers use victims as lucrative commodities. Male refugee children are vulnerable to
labour trafficking which involves work and maximizing profits at an organisation or facility.
Men and young boys are more exposed to this type of trafficking because of their power and
ability to offer cheap industrial labour (Busch-Armendariz et al., 2011).
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